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abuses in the Church constituted a grievance for the reformers. They protested strongly against the habit of bestowing Church livings and property on military men by way of recompense for services rendered in the field.

Charles V, desiring very much the re-establishment of the Council of Trent, was making a great demonstration of his opposition to the Lutherans. Especially in the Low Countries, strict regulations in the matter of religious practice was introduced, for the infringement of which severe penalties were instituted. This was not quite consistent with his attitude towards them in Germany, where, for political motives, greater freedom prevailed. The new Pope, Julius III, impressed by the actions of the Emperor, espoused his cause, while Farnese, a kinsman and ally of his predecessor, maintained the old alliance with France, and in this the Turks were now also included. War was begun at Parma, and though St. Damien and a few other places fell to the French under Brissac, no decision was arrived at. The Council of Trent was reopened in its original form and at its original seat (1551). Henry II objected to this, and sent Amyot to protest against it. He renounced the Treaty of Cresy and formed a secret alliance with the Lutheran prince, Maurice of Saxony, having previously done so with the Protestant cantons of Switzerland, while at home he persecuted the Huguenots with the utmost severity. In the following year (1552) he collected a large army at Chalons-sur-Marne, under the command of Guise and Coligny, while Maurice, with 20,000 men, marched on Innsbruck, where the Emperor was. Taken by surprise, Charles made peace with Maurice, making important concessions, which gave much liberty of action to the Protestants. The French army occupied Toul, Nancy, and Metz. The Imperial party, which was strong in Lorraine, urged the Emperor to come to the rescue and retake the captured towns. Charles was surprised a second time by the Saxon army at Innsbruck, whence he fled on a mule. With a small force he tried conclusions with Brissac, in Piedmont, and was defeated. In the tumult the Council was again broken up at Trent, and the Pope signed articles of peace independently with the French (1552).

Charles now attempted to recover Metz, which, however, notwithstanding a long and vehement siege, remained in French hands, owing to the wonderful work of Guise,

already referred to. This meant new troubles for the Emperor in Italy. A revolt occurred in Sienna, and the Spanish governor of Naples, Dom Pedro of Toledo, was sent to suppress it, but he died on the way. To the chagrin of the Emperor, who had so frequently befriended him, Cosmo de Medicis, Grand Duke of Tuscany, remained neutral in this affair; and Dom Pedro's son, who went to take his father's place, was compelled to retrace his steps hastily for the defence of Naples against the Turkish fleet. The Turks, in ravaging the coasts of Calabria and Sicily, again showed their savage propensities, which the French had much ado to keep in check; the alliance gave the latter reason for regret. The German ardour was much depressed by the success of Guise and there came a decided lull in hostilities, which was not to last over long.

In the following year the Emperor again demonstrated his powers of diplomacy by effecting an engagement between Mary Tudor and his son Philip. This augured badly for the reformed religion. The English detested the Spaniards. Noailles, hero of Cerisolles, and Renard pulled the strings in opposite directions, the former inciting the English against the Spaniards, the latter fostering antiFrench sentiments. The incident was a considerable factor in bringing about war between France and Germany in 1554. In this year the French army invaded Hainault. Dinant fell to St. André. The King, taking chief command himself, overran the valley of the Sambre, but retired before the Duke of Savoy, who came up at the head of the Imperials. A great battle was fought at Castle Renty, near St. Omer, where again Guise and Coligny shared the honours of war. What might have been a decisive victory for the French was, by the blundering of Montmorency, who lost caste in the affair, converted into a deeper retirement into Picardy. Cosmo de Medicis, no longer neutral, won a decisive battle against the French at Marciano. These reverses induced the French to negotiate for peace at St. Salut, near Calais.

But the proceedings were broken up by news of the Emperor's breach of faith with the Siennese. Sienna had sustained a siege under Montluc, which has become famous in history. He yielded, when the garrison was absolutely devoid of food and munitions, on most favourable terms for the inhabitants. The conditions were not upheld and war was resumed.

The French, under Brissac, defeated the Spaniards at Turin, while the armies in the north were quiescent, owing to exhaustion. The Pope died in March of this year, and after his successor's short reign of twenty-two days, Paul IV was appointed to the Holy See. His antipathy to the Spaniards and his contempt for the Emperor's character raised high hopes in France. But his sympathies were exclusively for Italy, which his dreams presented as free from all intruders, an instrument of four strings-Rome, Naples, Venice, and Milan.' Philip, already King of Spain, of England, of Naples, and Duke of Milan, desired in addition the crown of Germany, an ambition which was ably seconded by his astute father. The German branch of the Imperial family countered their scheme, the influence of the Pope being no small factor in its failure. It was pointed out that Mary Tudor had re-established Catholicism in England, the opposition being almost as formidable as in Germany, whose ruler was content with Lutheran sway. Ferdinand, his kinsman, was nominated heir, though the Low Countries were successfully transferred to Philip.

The Ecumenical Council having failed, control in religious matters was vested in the civil powers. One of the concessions made to the Catholics was the forfeiture by a priest turned Lutheran of all benefits of his office. With the recess of the Diet of Augsburg and the failure of all imperial influence in religion, the antagonism between Lutheran and Catholic was intensified. The resignation by the Emperor of all power in the diverse countries which he ruled for forty years was a surprise to Europe. Did he feel remorse for the bloodshed he might have spared? Did he feel impelled as a Catholic to contemplate his deeds and repent in prayer during his remaining years in the monastery of St. Yuste? Perhaps.

France was in an exhausted condition and showed its appreciation of the Emperor's resignation by joining in the peace convention of Vaucelles. But peace was acceptable to some of the Camarilla only, and in so far as it gave facilities for recuperation. Montmorency, now under a cloud, favoured peace. Diana favoured war. Guise aspired to the throne of Naples; war seemed to him essential. He was heir to the House of Anjou, and on this he based his claim. His brother, the Cardinal, who aspired to the Holy See, was in communication with the Pope, Suzerain of Naples, who espoused the Duke's cause, while Venice

VOL. X-5

protested. The Pontiff, by way of reprisal for the breaking up of the Diet of Augsburg in 1555, declared the confiscation of Naples from the Spaniards, who were implicated in it. The Emperor was accused of breaking the terms of the Treaty of Vaucelles, and the French king was absolved from his oath taken in this compact.

The Duke of Alba, Governor of Naples, sent an ultimatum to the Pope, and soon after invaded his territory. Tivoli was taken and Rome suffered a mild panic. Philip declared the invasion to be purely of political import, and dissociated himself from all enemies of the Church. The Papal army, on the other hand, included large numbers of German Protestants, and Guise, coming with the French troops across the Alps to join them, brought large contingents of Swiss Lutherans in his train. The arrival of the French (1556), when the Pope was actually negotiating a truce with Alba, revived hope at Rome. But Paul IV again wavered, to the annoyance of Guise, whom he accused of coming too late, and hostilities were suspended. After some futile attempts by the French leader, who experienced great difficulties with provisions, the Pope was compelled to treat with the Spaniards, after a night surprise by Alba, and the French were soon recalled. As a result the prestige of Italy was greatly lowered.


There had been no declaration of peace between France and Spain, and the war was soon resumed between them, on the frontier of the Low Countries. Mary Tudor, who complained of the French harbouring numerous English Protestants, decided to send a force to the aid of Philip. The Privy Council opposed it, but, fearing the machinations of Stafford, an English refugee in France, they finally consented. The French were completely routed, Coligny, besieged at St. Quentin, held out for a considerable time, thus giving Henry an opportunity of re-organizing his army. Catherine de Medicis now performed her first act of note of politics. Single-handed, she raised ten thousand men in Paris, and prevailed on the Parliament to grant a large sum for the upkeep of the army. To her, in great measure, is attributable the wave of patriotism which spread throughout the country, re-awakening the dormant spirit of her people. Guise arrived at Compiegne with his army of German and Swiss mercenaries. His brilliant mind conceived the idea of the apparently impossible counterstroke, the taking of Calais, and his wonderful

strategy carried it to execution, as already described. The chagrin in London was a measure of the joy in Paris. Calais and Metz, the gifts of Guise, contented the French, and peace pourparlers took place at Gercamp. The peace of Cateau-Cambrésis meant the forfeiture by Philip of Toul Nancy, and Metz. But Calvin's powder-mine, for more than twenty years in preparation, was now ready.


Henry II was accidentally killed at a tournament in 1559, while engaged in a sham fight with Montgomery, a Scotchman. A thrust by the latter, perhaps a clumsy one, was given false direction by the stumbling of one of the horses, and his lance found a vital spot through his antagonist's armour. The sport of kings is most delectable when the spice of danger is pronounced. Henry, whatever his weaknesses, did not quail before risk to his person. He was also magnanimous to his opponent: his chief concern on his death-bed was that the Scotchman should be absolved from all blame. The incident displays him in favourable light; and to this light we shall endeavour to give due intensity in the dark places where we find him.


Henry, like all the Valois, dabbled in poetry, and like all the Valois but one, he made no mark in it. His aunt, Marguerite, alone showed some merit in this line. matters of art and literature, unlike Francis, he did not make a parade of his patronage and support. One inclines to the belief that during his life-time there was a sort of reaction or temporary lull in the spirit of the Renaissance, which exhibited such progress in the first half of the century, a feeling of content in what had been done. Scientists, artists, and litterateurs were still quietly working, it is true, but their work was less associated with court eclat and favour; and the quiet support of Henry, without undue seeking after spurious lustre, constitutes a species of honesty for which due credit must be given. War occupied most of his time. He loved activity in the field, where the intervals in fighting were devoted to sport when strategic problems were not too engrossing. Books, however, were not entirely forgotten; they occasionally proved an antidote to ennui. Culinary luxury was not a prominent feature of court life; but this moderation can be attributed to a more obvious reason than the worthy desire of inhibiting carnal capacity. The salutary condition was born of the poison

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