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as usurpers whom they might lawfully seek to get rid of. To obtain this object was a cherished hope, and as a consequence the people were Jacobite, the landlords, and particularly the minor gentry, anti-Jacobite. It was the belief that, if Jacobitism were successful, they would be ousted out of their newly-got possessions, that urged on the landed gentry to a fierce application of the penal code in Ireland. Suspicion thus begot to an increased degree the thing suspected, because Jacobitism was not so strong in Ireland during the first half of the eighteenth century as might at first be thought. This is proved by the withdrawal of troops from Ireland in the critical years of 1715, 1719, and of 1722; and by the evidence of Swift in 1725,2 and of Stone in 1747.3 The occasional imminence, however, of the Pretender's landing, and the disturbed state of the Continent-from which the Wild Geese might readily return -caused the Government to give undue attention to Jacobitism in Ireland. This attention rather begot what it intended to kill, and Jacobitism continued to be a popular inspiration even after it had receded from the horizon of practical politics. Its effect on Irish literature was to inspire the production of such classic lyric achievements as Cáitilín ní Ualacháin and Cáit ní Dhuibhir. In England perhaps the most significant evidence of the strength of Jacobitism was to be found in the intrigues, correspondence, and private actions of the Duke of Marlborough.

JOSEPH J. MACSWEENEY.

1 Lecky, History of Ireland in the Eighteenth Century, vol. i. pp. 142-143. 2 Drapier's Letters, No. 7.

3 Lecky, History of Ireland in the Eighteenth Century, vol. i. p. 144.

IRELAND AND POLAND:

A SHORT CONTRAST 1

By T. J. CURTIN, B.A.

'To every nation has been given some deep thought from the heart of God as its special predestined work for the human race. And some are chosen before all others to combat for God's beauty on the earth, to carry the cross in a blood-stained track, and to give out the more love and greater brotherhood in exchange against the murderer's knife.'

In these beautiful sentiments of a very distinguished Polish poet, we have admirably expressed the part which seems to have been allocated in the drama of the world's history to these two countries which I have chosen for a brief contrast in this paper. However lightly we peruse the pages of Poland's history, we note and feel that bond of sympathy with this sweet Ireland of the East and our own fair Ireland. But if history is not merely the chronicling of successive events and different movements, if history, I say, is not the mere narrative of attempt and failure, but rather such narrative in its relation to subsequent events and with its lessons and morals as a guide to posterity, then we may find much in history to console us when scanning the respective accounts of the fate of these ill-fated foster-sisters. Throughout the history of the world, whether we are dealing with the old tribal system or the glorious old pagan empires or our own modern empires, there is one lesson that has been repeated over and over again, and that lesson is the impossibility and futility of disregarding and trying to extinguish the national spirit of a nation. If we just recall the beginning of the nineteenth century and review the exploits of the great Napoleon, we find that it was not the workings of this

1 Paper read before the Irish Society, Liverpool University. VOL. XIII-4

or that individual nation but the awakening of the national spirit of Europe which brought about the downfall of that extraordinary genius-indeed, his doom was sealed by the battle of the nations, surely suggestive enough. So it is with Italy the unification of Italy starts with the rousing of the national spirit and the throwing off of the yoke of Austria under the astute Cavour.

The re-incarnation of Prussia is signalized by the fresh realization of the national spirit after the humiliation of Jena; and, lastly, what was it that brought the whole of the structure of the Congress of Vienna, with its lack of foresight and historical perspective, tottering to the ground, but the failure of this Congress to recognize this absolute essential-the spirit of Nationalism? If, then, history has taught us all this, why, I say, should it not afford us remarkable consolation in the story of Poland and Ireland, for in no other country has that spirit of nationality, that spirit of national liberty, been kept alive so fiercely and so well as in these two heroic countries. Let us take a brief survey of the history of these two countries.

It is hardly within the scope of so short a paper as this to describe at length the tragic and pathetic history of Poland. To the reader of medieval and modern European history such history is heartrending, by reason of the almost inevitable destruction which seemed to hang over the country. We must fain pass over the period in which Poland was the battlefield of Europe; the period in which invading Swede and Russian deluged the land with blood, and come to the culminating epoch of Polish history -the eighteenth century. Poland then lay a shattered mass, between the vigorous rule of Russia and the ambitious rule of Prussia-' a nuisance to them both,' as one writer aptly puts it, by reason of her backward economic development, and a temptation by reason of her weakness'; thus she lay a country to be divided and partitioned, but never to be conquered. With Peter the Great such an epoch opens. The early love of Western civilization, the ambition to bring Russia in touch with the West-this is the keynote of his policy. Hence he regarded Poland as the doormat of the West.' This country must be acquired to make Russia a really important country in modern Europe, but it was left for the unscrupulous Catherine (history ironically calls her great) to carry out

such a project. History has sometimes tried to defend her action. "The Polish constitution at the time was a survival of the age of medieval, feudal anarchy. In the struggle between the royal power and feudal nobility the aristocracy had triumphed and the kingship deteriorated to a mere shadow. The notorious liberum veto existed, which made every noble virtually a king.' Anarchy certainly existed, avowedly to the interests of more than one Power, but such an anarchical constitution did not warrant the consummation of one of the greatest acts of political brigandage.

Therefore the barbarous partition treaties took place which split up unhappy Poland into three divisions and under three kingdoms.

'But from evil comes forth good,' and out of this evil came the inspiration of uniting the Poles with a common purpose from this period onwards, the restoration and independence of their country was the one aim of the Poles. Such restoration was unfortunately at the mercy of outside Powers, and from this period onwards the history of Poland is an account of unanswered trust-she was, in other words, the dupe of nations. Napoleon flattered the aspirations of the Poles with smooth words and pleasant innuendos, but sacrificed their ideals on the gorgeously decorated barge, 'Parterre of Kings,' which, moored in the midstream of the Niemen, near Tilsit, was the scene of one of the most astounding treaties of history. They gained something, it is true, by the introduction of the famous 'Code Napoleon,' which benefited the laws of more than one country in Europe; but the aspirations of the Poles, as far as Napoleon was concerned, ended with his meteoric downfall in 1813. The bodies of Poles which lay on the bloody battlefields of Russia and their corpses which lay strewn amidst the cruel Alps surely would have made some claim on his pity had his power not so tragically ended. Again, at the Congress of Vienna, Poland was ordered to give up all claim to national independence and was restored as a constitutional kingdom to Russia, like Ireland was to England by the Union of 1801. Alexander I certainly behaved at times magnanimously to the Poles, but the independence of their country would alone satisfy them. So we see that in every period of revolution which marked the history of the nineteenth century the Poles of Germany and Austria played their part. The upheaval

of 1830 saw the clamouring in revolt for their rights; the year of revolution, 1848, saw the Poles, in keeping with the Liberals of Europe, fighting a futile fight for their ideal; and then came the unfortunate revolution of 1863, which drove all the Poles of Europe into a rebellion which cost them dear.

And what has been the result of all this struggle? What conditions have the Poles found themselves in? 'On the ruins of this revolt,' indeed, as a famous Polish writer puts it, rose the work of Bismarck and the system of russification in the Empire of the Czars.' Empire of the Czars.'. In Russian Poland, by means of the Russian school, nationality and language was suppressed and forbidden; Polish only being taught twice a week. The mainstay of Polish nationality, the Catholic Church, was attacked also with a vigour doomed to failure, and which was so recognized in 1905. The very administration of Poland had been russified since 1863. Certainly the industry of Poland has thrived, and the Poland of 1914 was a different one to that of 1864; but it has thrived under Russian rule, and has had its result in its modification of Polish nationalism, the aim of which is now rather the preservation of its national individuality and the development of its civilization. The Polish nationalist of Russia, chastened by the whip of Russian administration and lashed by the scourge of Russian oppression, has become larger in his conceptions and saner in his methods of realizing the same ideal the preservation of his nationality.

But the German Pole has been likewise oppressed. His Church has been oppressed; his language also suppressed. Was it not as late as the year 1902 that an admission of the fact that children had been flogged for refusing to say the Lord's Prayer in German, was wrung from the administrative powers in the Prussian Parliament? Was it not in 1906 that we had the unique spectacle of 400,000 Polish school children going on strike because of the reintroduction of German as the medium of religious instruction? An important effort was further made to subject the Pole economically beneath the German sway, but, somewhat ironically, it has resulted in the enriching and improvement of the Poles themselves. Space forbids me to go into the condition of Austrian Poland, but in justice to Austria it must be admitted that the lot of the Pole here has been more tolerable than under Russia and

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