and induced Robert, Bishop of Liège, to institute in his diocese a feast of the Adoration of the Most Holy Sacrament of the Altar. In the year 1246 Bishop Robert issued a command that every year, on the fourth day after the feast of the Most Holy Trinity, the feast of Corpus Christi should be celebrated in all the churches within the diocese of Liège. In the year 1261 James Pantaleon, Archdeacon of Liège, one of the first whose voice had decided in favour of the heavenly vision, was raised to the Pontifical Throne, under the name of Urban IV. Thus the new Popc was happy, a few years later, in being able by a Bull to establish the feast of Corpus Christi all over the world. This ordinance was confirmed by Pope Clement V in the Council at Vienna, in the year 1311. Several Pontiffs granted special indulgences for this feast.' M. THE PRINCE OF PEACE: Meditations by the Rev. Allan Goodier, S.J. London: Washbourne. AMONG the many works of meditations Father Goodier's will, we trust, find a place. He acknowledges his indebtedness to Father Coleridge, S.J., and, in a sense, the present work supplies the want of a much-needed selection from the latter's works. The Prince of Peace is really a series of concise meditations on Advent and Christmas. Each meditation is preceded by quotations from the Scriptures, and is succeeded by a brief summary. A priest will find in it suggestive material for Advent and Christmas-tide instruction. Though very brief, the Meditations are rich in thought, and their language is concise and terse. BOOKS, ETC., RECEIVED America: A Catholic Review (December). The Rosary Magazine (December). Somerset, Ohio. The Austral Light (November). Melbourne. The Ave Maria (November). Notre Dame, Indiana. The Irish Monthly (December). Dublin: M. H. Gill & Son, Ltd. The Catholic Bulletin (December). Dublin: M. H. Gill & Son, Ltd. Études (December). Paris: 12 Rue Oudinot (VIIe). Revue Pratique d'Apologétique (December). Paris: Beaucheene. Revue du Clergé Français (December). Paris: Letouzey et Ané. The Lamp (December). Garrison, N.Y. Revue des Jeunes (November). Paris: 3 Rue de Luynes. The Homiletic Monthly (November). London: Burns & Oates. M. London: Effingham House, Arundel Street. Catholic Truth Society (Ireland) Publication: Popular and Patriotic Poetry. Part X. Compiled by Richard J. Kelly, K.C. Apologetics and Catholic Doctrine: A Two Years' Course of Religious Instruction for Schools and Colleges, by the Rev. M. Sheehan, D.D., St. Patrick's College, Maynooth. Part I. Apologetics. Dublin: M. H. Gill & Son, Ltd. 1918. THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN 1918 BY VERY REV. JAMES CANON MACCAFFREY, S.T.L., D.PH. AT last the terrible struggle that has devastated Europe for years, and that at one time threatened to end only with the mutual destruction of the belligerents, has been brought to a close almost as unexpectedly as it began. After a prolonged contest, during which their victorious forces over-ran a great portion of Europe, the Central Powers have been forced to hoist the white flag and to surrender almost at discretion. Last April, it looked as if victory were within their grasp. Russia and Rumania had been counted out; the huge forces on the Eastern frontier were being diverted towards the West; the Allied armies in France were falling back before the new offensive, and it seemed as if Paris and the whole French coast-line, from Havre to Dunkirk, were to pass into the hands of the Germans. But, as subsequent events proved, the terrific onslaught of last March was but a last desperate bid for victory that had been so often denied them. The German High Command, realizing the exhaustion of their raw materials, the depletion of their man-power, and the imminent danger of famine and revolution, resolved to stake the fortunes of the Empire on one gigantic effort to secure a decision before the army of America could be ready to take the field. It was their final and only hope, in view of the fact that the submarine campaign could not render the American intervention ineffectual; and once that hope failed nothing remained for them but retreat and surrender. Torn by convulsions at home and deserted by her allies in the field, Germany was obliged to accept the humiliating terms dictated by the victorious generalissimo of the Allied and American forces. But the overthrow of the Kaiser does not necessarily mean the restoration of peace to the world. In their anxiety to encourage their friends and embarrass their FIFTH SERIES, VOL. XIII-FEBRUARY, 1919. enemies the statesmen of both belligerent parties have pledged themselves to principles and programmes which, whether realized or disowned by their authors, are likely to mark a new era in the history of mankind. The world outlook of 1919 is not that of 1914; the old order is gone for good, whatever may take its place. To preach for years the overthrow of autocracy, the uplifting of democracy, the right of peoples whether weak or strong to determine their own form of government, the banding together of nations into one great league to enforce disarmament, compulsory arbitration and international peace, and when the opportune moment comes to do nothing to put these high-sounding principles into operation is to court swift and terrible disaster. If the diplomatists of Versailles, closing their eyes to the past and their ears to the present, determine to follow the methods of the Congress of Vienna rather than the peace proposals of President Wilson, then, indeed, may men pray for peace. As The President of the United States, more than any other single individual, is responsible for the overthrow of the Germans. By his skill and diplomacy he kept his country clear of the war until the protection of American interests demanded intervention; and when, at last, he felt it necessary to call his compatriots to arms, they responded with an eagerness and unanimity that astonished both friend and foe. By his soul-stirring messages to mankind he converted what seemed to many a sordid contest for economic predominance or territorial expansion into an unselfish crusade for liberty, peace and justice. he played the leading part in bringing the war to an end, so too, it is hoped, he will exercise a powerful influence on shaping the terms of peace. He has pledged his own honour and the honour of his country to certain welldefined proposals. If he can succeed in winning over the diplomatists of Versailles to his views, though the practical difficulties in carrying out his plans are well-nigh insuperable, his name will be held in benediction by the Old World as well as by the New; if he fail at the Congress, then it only remains for him to do what he did in his dealings with German autocracy, to appeal from the governments to the governed. If he has the courage to adopt this course, he need have no fears about the verdict of the people. Now, that the great war has come to an end, one may well inquire how the victories of the Allies and the downfall of Austria and Germany are likely to influence the Church? During the vicissitudes of the contest some people seemed convinced that the triumph of Germany would spell another Kulturkampf against the Church, more violent and more widespread than that initiated by Bismarck and Falk; while others were equally confident, from their knowledge of the Governments of France and Italy, that the success of the Allies would be hailed as a victory by the friends of Atheism and Freemasonry. Both parties were probably equally sincere, but both were influenced by their prejudices rather than by facts. Religious considerations played an insignificant part in the councils of the men responsible for the war, and however zealous may have been their professions of sympathy during the struggle, the Church had good reason to be equally cautious in her dealings with the leading belligerents. While there is but little ground for hope that the war would lead to a great religious revival in Italy and France in face of which the Governments of these countries would be forced to modify their attitude of hostility to the Church, there is still less ground for believing that the downfall of the Austrian Empire involves the extinction of Catholicity in the territories of the Habsburgs. If, indeed, the power of Austria had been broken before defeat and revolution had destroyed the autocratic sway of the Czar, then the situation, from the point of view of the Church, would have been undoubtedly serious. With Austria weak and Russia victorious and united, the way would have been open for the enforcement of Orthodoxy throughout Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. But, as matters stand at present, there is no need for alarm about the future of religion, even though the principle of self-determination should be applied to the former provinces of the Empire. In Austria proper, where the population generally speaking is German in race and language, no peculiar difficulty will arise; in the Tyrol, whatever may be its ultimate political fate, there is no danger that autonomy or union with Italy will damp the religious fervour of its generous people; in Croatia and Slavonia, where the Jugo-Slavs constitute the predominant element, the union of bishops, clergy and people in their prolonged struggle for freedom affords sufficient warranty for the belief that the new political situation that has arisen carries with it no danger for religion. So long as the Jugo-Slav movement is led, as it is at present, by men like Mgr. Jeglic, Prince-Bishop of Laibach, Mgr. Bauer, Bishop of Zagreb, and Mgr. Mahonic, Bishop of Veglia, there need be no fear that by ceasing to be Austrian subjects the Jugo-Slavs will cease to be Catholic. And with one slight reservation the same might be said about the Czecho-Slovaks of Bohemia, whose clergy for the most part stand in the very fore-front of the nationalist movement. In proof of this assertion it is sufficient to quote from the solemn declaration issued to the Press by a meeting of the clergy of Prague :— We, Czech ecclesiastics [they declared], conscious of springing from the people, and being indissolu ly attached to them by the bonds of blood, language and traditions, are determined to stand side by side with them in the struggle till victory crowns our efforts. We claim to belong to Saints Cyril and Methodius, the apostles of the Slavs; and we declare that the solemn words of our writers and deputies, as well as the nationalist oath, express exactly what we feel and believe. We declare that the establishment of an independent Czecho-Slovak State is an act of justice pleasing to God. And, believing that perfect harmony is indispensable for the achievement of our aims, we declare that the Czech Union is alone competent to act in the name of the nation, and we reject in advance any private or party negotiations concerning the future of our country. 'We will stand or fall with our people' were the striking words used by the clergy of Krems in announcing their adhesion to the cause of Czecho-Slovak independence. The one difficulty that will arise will be the presence of a large German-speaking Catholic minority, and also the fact that a large number of the Bishops are of German origin. But these are matters, we may hope, that will adjust themselves in time, once the irritating and dividing influence of foreign intervention is removed. In Galicia, where the most of the inhabitants are Catholic, no complication need be expected if, as may be assumed, the province is incorporated into the new kingdom of Poland. The absorption of Catholic Transylvania by non-Catholic Rumania might possibly lead to a campaign against Rome, but in view of Rumania's insecurity of tenure and of the wisdom of conciliating the newly-won population, it is not likely that any Government would commit such an act of folly. One serious danger in connexion with the re-constitution of South-Eastern Europe, might spring from the establishment of a Greater Serbian Kingdom, though the religious |
