that is, they confider as a poison the antidote given to prevent its baneful effects.

SECTION IV.

OF THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE FIRST, FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE CIVIL WAR TO HIS

DEATH.

THE progrefs of the civil war was productive of many and great alterations, both in, the state of the contending parties, and in the temper and difpofition of the nation. After the king and parliament had appealed to the fword, as the fole arbiter of their differences, they were no longer capable of retreating; and it was vain to fhrink from a decifion which must render the one or the other party completely triumphant. Both became fenfible that their all was at stake; and that nothing but a decifive victory could either fupport their respective claims, or enfure their personal safety. From their mutual exertions in profecuting the quarrel, and from the dangers and bad treatment to which they were continually expofed,

their paffions were daily inflamed and rendered more furious; while every new advantage, upon either fide, becoming the fource of exultation and oppreffion in the one party, and of provocation and 'refentment to the other, contributed to widen the breach between them, and afforded fresh fuel to their mutual animofities.

The progreffive measures which, during the whole reign of James, and in the former part of that of Charles, were gradually adopted by parliaments, have already been pointed out. Before the year 1640, those great councils appear to have stood altogether upon the defenfive, and to have aimed at nothing further than barely to defend the ancient modes of government. From the meeting of what is called the Long Parliament, the abuses committed by the king had given rife to different views, and were thought to require more effectual precautions for fecuring the liberties of the people. The various wheels and fprings of the conftitution having, from negligence, gone into diforder, or being, from the inexperience of the original artificers, left, in fome particulars, inaccurate and imperfect, the opportunity

which then offered was accounted highly favourable, for repairing the ftate machine, and for removing its defects or imperfections. Men who entertained this opinion were friends to the monarchy, while they attempted to impofe new limitations upon the monarch; and were anxious to preferve the fpirit and principles of the conftitution, though they contended that, in several of its parts, a reformation was indifpenfably neceffary.

How far the pruning hand of a reformer fhould be permitted was a difficult question; about which even fpeculative reafoners might eafily differ; and upon which men who had oppofite interests were by no means likely to agree. When all hopes of accommodation, upon this point, were completely blasted, when both king and parliament had recourfe to arms, the popular party were pushed on to greater extremities, and embraced a bolder fyftem of reformation. The oppofition to the crown had proved fo ineffectual; the power, the influence, and the refources of the king were fo extensive; and the artifices by which he might elude the co troul of the legiflature, and undermine the privileges of the people,

had

had been found fo numerous and fo various, that every attempt to confine the prerogative within due bounds, was in danger of being regarded as defperate. To many it appeared that the old conftitution was no longer tenable, and that the only method of preventing the abufes of regal power was to abolish it altogether. The exaltation, it was observed, of an individual to the rank of a fovereign prince proves commonly fuch an incentive to ambition, as renders him impatient of restraint, and diffatisfied with any thing less than absolute dominion. Accustomed to the high station in which he is placed, and having received it through a long line of ancestors, he is apt to look upon it as his birthright; and inftead of conceiving it to be an office derived ultimately from the confent of the people, or bestowed upon him for their benefit, he is difpofed to confider it in the light of a private eftate, intended for his own use, and to be enjoyed at his difcretion. By the natural order of things; that is, by the difpofition of Providence, it appears to be his province to command, as it is that of his fubjects to obey ; and every effort, upon their part, to limit his

authority

authority, is regarded by him as an act of rebellion, which, in duty to himself and his pofterity, and in the capacity of the vice-gerent of heaven, he is bound to elude by artifice or repel by force.

To avoid these dangers to liberty, with which recent events had ftrongly impreffed men's minds, it was by fome thought requifite to abolish the kingly office altogether, and thefe republican doctrines came to be propagated especially by men of knowledge and fpeculation, who reafoned upon the general principles of government, and compared the different political fyftems which have taken place in different ages and countries. Those who confider the ufual incitements to genius will not be surprised to find, that, amidst all the diforders of that period, the number of fpeculative reafoners upon government was far from being inconfiderable. The important disputes, and violent struggle in which a great part of the nation was engaged, by awakening a spirit of activity and enterprise, contributed to accelerate, instead of retarding the pursuits of fcience and literature; and by opening to men of letters a wide field of ambition,