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A Sketch of the present State of France, by an English Gentleman, who escaped from Paris in the Month of May last. 8vo. PP. 124. 35. 6d. Phillips. 1805.

WE are sorry that this pamphlet should so long have escaped our notice, as it contains, in a small compass, a great deal of useful and in. teresting information, relative to the political and moral state of the French Empire, but more particularly of that Pandemonium, Paris. It bears, too, internal evidence of its authenticity; of having been written from personal observation and experience. This Gentleman confirms all the reinarks which, from time to time, we have had occasion to offer respecting the internal situation of France; and proves, that, notwithstanding the splendour of external conquests, and the pomp of military triumphs, France exhibits a scene of wretchedness and slavery, unparalleled in the history of modern times.

After describing some recent improvements in the metropolis, consisting of the erection of two new bridges over the Seine, and of a new quay, the author adds:

"But these public edifices and decorations have nothing to do with the comforts of the people, and cannot be taken for the signs of a pros perous city. There are not ten houses now building in Paris and its suburbs; and some lately finished, in the best part of the town, near the Fauxbourg (or suburb) St. Honore, on the scite of the Convent of the Jacobins, are without occupiers."

The ground for a new street, in the most desirable part of Paris, close to the gardens of the Thuilleries, and opposite to the Palace, has been long marked out, and a carriage way paved, but not a foundation for a single house has been laid, nor can any one be found to venture his capital on such a project. Let any Englishman say, what he would think of the state of his own country, if part of St. James's Park were to be let on building leases, or to be sold, and not a builder, were to be found bold enough to erect a house upon it. The fact is, that liberty and property are so totally insecure, under the merciful government of the Corsican, that the spirit of enterprize is annihilated; that no one will risk his property on any prospect of future advantage; but that all who have property, devote it to the purpose of present enjoyment. Hence, by a natu ral process, tyranny begets mistrust, and mistrust generates profligacy; and with all their follies, and all their crimes, it must be admitted, that' the primitive revolutionists displayed a deep knowledge of human nature, when they began their task of demolition, by eradicating all religious and moral principle from the minds of the people, who, by that means, became incapable of freedom, fit only for slaves, and the ready instru ments of any tyrant who would suffer them to wallow in beastly sensua lity. Robespierre sowel, and Buonaparte has reaped.

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Another natural consequence of this state of things, is the destruction of all confidence between man and man; and, indeed, that consequence necessary to an Usurper, as it prevents those communications, without



which no plan for his overthrow can be executed, or even devised. Its effect on the common intercourse of life must be perceptible to every one. Hence we are told by this writer

"The Parisians deal with each other in the ordinary concerns of life and business, as if they were a nation of swindlers, and each man thought his neighbour intended to cheat him. All their transactions are rendered tiresome by a number of cautious formalities, which impede their progress; and the universal remark is, the revolution has done this.' Every class of men and women frequent the public gaming tables in Paris.

"The working people waste their earnings in coffee-houses, and in the lottery, which is drawing all the year round; not, however, in buying shares or tickets, but in insuring for daily chances, at as low a price even as sixpence; there are no tickets, but the government keeps by its agents all the insurance offices; and the profits, together with the money paid by the proprietors of the public gaming tables for their li cence, support the police and the spies. The source and the application of this revenue are, equally disgraceful, and ruinous to a nation."

One of the greatest complaints preferred against the old government of France, next to the profligacy of the Princes of the Blied, was the corrupt administration of justice; and, it was boasted, both in France and in England, that, after the erection of that "stupendous monument of humay wisdom and of human integrity," the Revolution, no such abuses would exist; but justice would be administered honestly, fairly, and impar tially. It is needless to say how far this boast has been verified; but the following extract will shew, that, in addition to a multitude of abuses unknown to former times, which all Europe has witnessed, the very same abuses which were so loudly complained of, and so greatly exaggerated, and which constituted one of the grand pretexts for the subversion of the ancient order of things, are now, in existence, and carried to an extent beyond all precedent and example.

The surest way of carrying any point with a general, minister, or judge, when you are sliciting, is to employ a female: Accordingly the public and private audiences of these persons are crowded by ladies, who are always the most effectual negotiators to obtain favour, and the most proper means of conveying any douceur which you may think it advisable to use in aid of the justice of your cause. A man sends his wife, his sister, or his mistress, and if he is so connected as to be able to chuse among ladies who stand in those different relations to him, he will pre

fer the handsomest."

In his account of newspapers the author informs us, that all the false statements respecting England are first inserted in the English paper The Argus, and thence translated for the Moniteur, which gives them as anthentic, because they first appeared in English!!! Of this vehicle of impudent lies, we are told :-"The first editor was a man of the name of GOULDSMITH, an English Jew; the second, an Englishman of the name of DUTTON, a man well known in London; and the present editor, the two former having been disgraced and sent prisoners to Verdun, is a 'person of the name of CLARKE, a native of Bath or Bristol. :

In the Affiches, a paper which is filled with advertisements, it is a common thing to see advertisements from women for a paramour, in which

their persons and accomplishments are described; and also others from men for mistresses! "They abound also in advertisements which betray the general misery that prevails. Tradesmen and others, for instance, offer apartments to let, with board in the family, for the loan of very small sums of money, as one hundred pounds sterling; and propose besides, security, and state the interest at twenty-five or thirty per cent."

The blessings of the French Revolution are comprised in this short summary. The Revolution has debased the morals of the people, and raised their taxes, and the price of provisions, to more than double their amount before its commencement. It has elevated to places and to wealth, a great number of the worst amongst the lowest class of the people. It has entangled all classes of society still more than ever in the snares of a detestable police, or POLITICAL INQUISITION," Add to this, that it has annihilated all law, and substituted in its place the will of a low born foreign Usurper; and it must be confessed that human integrity, and buman wisdom, never erected a more stupendous monument !

We have here a true account of the mode of collecting the suffrages of the people, on the novel proposition of chusing the Corsican assassin for their Emperor, and of the result of such collection; with some particu lars of that sombre ceremony, called the Coronation. What is said of the Pope is worthy of attention.

"THE POPE AND RELIGION.-The conduct of the people of Paris towards the Pope, made it evident that they were sensible of the degrading situation to which he was reduced, in being obliged to obey the-vitation of the Corsican Tyrant, and fill a part in the ill-concerted pageant

of the Coronation.

"Despising him, therefore, from the circumstances in which he appeared among them, they treated him with the utmost contempt and open mockery. Their own religion, and its ministers, have been vilified in the public esti. timation, by the reflection that the head of their church has lent himself to be the tool of Buonaparte, of whose respect for religion, and attention to morality, they have had sufficient experience to form a very just notion. "The ceremony of giving the benediction was new to the great mass of the people, when his Holiness began to dispense it many times every morning, behind the window of his apartments in the Thuilleries. With the mere incitement of curiosity, there was always a considerable crowd assembled, waiting and looking up to watch his appearance. If at any time he did not come forward so soon as they expected, they vented their impatience with the same tone, sounds, and gestures, as they do at the theatres, when anxious for the beginning of a piece, or to bring for. ward an actor to encore his song.

A young man in the crowd, who with much apparent reverence and devotion had received the benediction on his knees, rose up and repeated the gestures which his holiness makes use of; for the whole ceremony consisted of certain signs and foldings of the arms and hands, which the crowd could merely observe him perform through his window. This man was immediately seized, and carried off. The people were afterwards less loud in their demonstrations of contempt for the high priest of Buonaparte.

"The newspapers laboured in vain to excite in the public mind some sensation of importance in the Pope's presence at Paris, and at the cere


mony of the coronation, but could produce no more interest or attention, than the chaunting of the police ballad-singers, in their miserable ditties on Napoleon.

"When the Pope visited the churches, none but the lower orders of the populace were to be seen attending; though the newspapers constantly in report crowded the places of public worship whenever his holiness visited them, to partake of his benediction. The wits stated that for this purpose it was indeed absolutely necessary to be present in the church, as the benediction lost much of its efficacy when transmitted through glass, as was the case when it was given from his apartments in the Thuilleries to the crowd under his window."

It would seem, by this account, that the trick of bringing the Pope to Paris, has not answered the purpose of the Corsican juggler so well as most of his other state tricks. There is much other curious intelligence in this "Sketch," for which we must refer the reader to the book itself, which is well worth the perusal.

The Speech of the Hon. J. Randolph, Representative for the State of Virginia, in the General Congress of America; on a Motion for the non-importation of British Merchandize pending the present Disputes between Great Britain and America; with an Introduction. By the Author of "War in Dis. guise." 8vo. PP. 78. 2s. 6d. New York printed; London, re-printed; Butterworth. Hatchard. 1806.

THE very able introduction to this speech opens with some cursory remarks upon certain answers to "War in Disguise," which we have not yet seen; and the author very properly brings the authority of Mr., Randolph, in aid of the arguments so strongly enforced in that excellent tract.

"I invoke," says he," the declarations of this American leader, made in the hearing of Congress, to attest that the Strictures on the colonial traders of that country, contained in my former publications, were in no degree unfounded. I appeal to his sentiments on the true interests of his fellow-citizens at large, that they are on the same side of this controversy with our own. I rely on his opinion, and still more on his irrefragable arguments, in proof that a war between that country and this, would be but in a slight degree noxious to the commerce of Great Britain; while its consequences would be ruinous to America, and such as her citizens. would not, even for a brief period, be brought patiently to endure."

Our readers will recollect that, in our Summary of Politics, pub lished three months ago, we maintained this very point; and happy we are to find ourselves so ably supported in our opinion, by such an orator as Mr. Randolph, and by such a writer as the author of this Introduc tion; who adds, "I quote this respectable authority, not only as a cau tion against precipitated determination, but to shew that timid and ruinous concessions may be easily and finally avoided." Would to Heaven our Ministers had been impressed with a full conviction of this truth before they passed the American intercourse bill!

Our author's reasoning in defence of the rule of the war 1756 always appeared to us unanswerable; but he has strengthened it by a case, his conclusions from which we defy the whole world to overturn.


"What! is Buonaparte to exclude British sugar and coffee from the Continent, and is America to enable him to do so, by supplying it with. French, and Spanish sugar, and coffee, in their stead? Are neutral markets even to be shut by violence against our planters, that our enemies may establish there a monopoly against them? Are the merchants of neutral states to be laid under an interdict as to the carriage of British manufactures or merchandize to friendly ports; and while submitting as they do to that interdict, can they assert nevertheless against us a right to carry the manufactures of our enemies to the colonies of France and Spain? Are neutrals, in a word, to give effect to a system avowedly adopted for the destruction of English commerce, yet found, on their amity with England, a right to prevent or frustrate a retaliation on our part against the com. merce of our enemies?

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The man who can give an answer to this question, in the affirmative, may have an English tongue, but must have a French heart. The author proceeds to show that France has violated the neutral territories of the continental powers, has entered peaceful cities, and seized upon foreign magazines, for the purpose of preventing the sale of British goods; that, in short, for the gratification of his hatred against this country he has invaded every neutral right; and he then, justly observes:

"If they (the neutral nations) will tamely permit Buonaparte to exclude ships when laden with our merchandize from Hamburgh, and such other maritime places, yet permitted to be called neutral, as the terror of his arms has already shut against us, and to extend, as he now threatens, the same system to fortugal and Denmark; it is not neutral, it is not equal, to deny a like latitude to us; and they would have no right to complain, if we should apply the same interdiction as generally to the merchandize of our enemies, wherever our power extends; that is, to every maritime part of the globe.”

Eut, as he truly remarks, the only subject of dispute with America, at present, is colonial produce and colonial supplies; whereas the principle would fairly apply to a general interdiction of the carriage of all gords belonging to our enemies. America is prevented from importing British goods, whether colonial or European, into Hamburgh; not because such is the will of the lawful sovercign of that city, but because it is the mandate of the Corsican Usurper, and to this she tamely submits, as she does to every insult from France, without a murmur. What right then would she have to complain, if we were to forbid her to carry French, Dutch, or Spanish goods, to any other sea-ports in Europe?

The main, though preposterous defence of the frustration of our hostilities against the enemy's colonial trade, is his-right to open his own ports; but has he a right to shut up neutral ports, as well as to open his own? There at least, the land right will not bear the sea-wrong. Besides, America has now shrunk from this favourite principle of hers, when she had to deal with a power that would not be bullied; she has not only suffered France to take her ships when trading to St. Domingo, but at the imperious mardate of that power has passed a law to forbid the trade to her subjects. Is it because Dessalines has not as good a title to Hayti, as Buonaparte to Naples? I should deny the proposition, even as to Paris: bat at least Dessalines has as good a right to make laws in Hayti, as Buonaparte in Hamburgh,”


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