vernment. Their kings have enjoyed sovereign authority and received the allegiance of their subjects in the capacity of Vicars of the Holy Roman Empire. "In this manner, (observes the author, uniting the temporal and spiritual authority) the Kings of Sardinia and Dukes of Savoy, were more absolute monarchs than any other King of Europe, except Denmark." Nevertheless they governed the country by two classes of representatives like the Kings of France. The magistracy was divided into three different bodies; Ist. the Council of State, 2d. the Senate (somewhat analogous to our House of Lords), and, 3d. the Tribunals of Justice. From these laws it appears, that the only good institutions of which the French Republic could boast, were borrowed from those previously established in Piedmont and Savoy. The Court of Turin also adopted many good institutions and regulations from Spain. In 1792, 20 Bishops directed the religious worship of 1,700,000 subjects of the King of Sardinia, independent of the capital and the civil and military establishments; of the remainder 5,372 were Jews and 15,665 Vaudese Protestants. In no other Catholic country in Europe was the conduct of the Bishops so laudable. The system of education*, now entirely abolished seems to have been the best on the Continent.

The author proceeds in his historical and topographical view of Austrian Lombardy, Mantua, Modena, Ferrara, Bologna, Venice, Parma, Genoa and the Republic of Lucca. In the course of his researches, many interesting reflections and observations occur on the moral character of the different people of Upper Italy. The variety of climates, the mutual influence of numerous small states, accompanied with a kind of mechanical idolatry called Catholic piety, all contribute to render these people highly worthy of the most serious attention of the philosopher, as affording in the smallest extent the greatest diversity of character, of habits and of principles, and of course "holding up a quarry to the busy mind" that seeks a profound knowledge of human nature.

Before parting with our author, we must notice his statement of the population of the provinces now called the "Kingdom of Italy." It does not appear that the Italians are increasing rapidly under the domination of their French masters. "The Austrian possessions in Italy, comprehending the principal part of the kingdom of Lombardy, were not equal to more than the half of those held by the King of Sardinia on the Continent; Austria counted about 1,200,000 subjects

Signor D. has not ventured to acknowledge the truth that there is actually not one public school in Piedmont; but has given a rather pompous list of the Academy of Sciences, Literature and Fine Arts of Turin in 1803, consisting of 35 resident members and 13 non-resident. The name of our author appears in the class of moral science and polite literature. We also recognize the names of Bonvoisin, Vassalli-Eandi, Napion, Berthollet, Bossi, Galli and Lagrange, all natives of Piedmont or Savoy.

and

and Sardinia 2,200,000. At present the newly constituted kingdom of Italy is one third more considerable than the whole of Piedmont The following is the present census:

was."

"The Department of Agogna, containing the Upper and

lower Novarois,

Lario or Come and its districts,

346,213 371,894

"These departments, although their population is greatly reduced, now pay upwards of one third more to the actual government of Italy, than they formerly paid to the kings of Sardinia." Yet the French have been incessantly exclaiming that, "Le Piémont est ecrasé sous les poids des Impôts!" This fact indeed will in some measure account for the extraordinary depopulation, which, if the author's statements be correct, and we sce no reason to doubt their accuracy, the number of inhabitants in Piedmont since 1792, has decreased by war, emigration, and murder, nearly one-fourth of the entire population, and the taxes have increased more than one-third! Thus, under the sovereigns of Sardinia and Austria, 4 millions of people paid 12 millions of livres taxes; under Buonaparte, 3 millions pay 18 millions of franks, which is just double the imposts that were said to “crush the unfortunate Piedmontese." If we add the military contributions,

* This has uniformly been the language of the French Statisticians from Beaufort, Bonvoisin, Herbin and Peuchet to our author, who only ven. tures to hint at the enormous pressure of the incalculable taxes, now levied on his country, and to shew how they are increased. In this respect, his consummate prudence would induce us to believe that it was acquired in the school of French adversity, and we might have concluded that "all was well," had he not minutely described Lodi, and forgotten that it has a bridge, and most carefully noted the time and place where Suwarrow beat the French. What a lesson of self-government have the cruel oppressions of the French taught mankind? The fell vengeance of Buonaparte has almost extinguished every generous emotion of the human heart, except that of existence; the feelings of country, parents, husband or father are obliterated to a degree which Zeno and the Stoics never could conceive.

the loss of their internal commerce, and the destruction of their agrí culture, it would be no exaggeration to say that the taxes on these truly unfortunate people are quadrupled!

On the particular merits or defects of this work, it is perhaps unnecessary that we should here make any additional remarks. It contains in a small compass many curious and diverse branches of political science, which are scattered over voluminous and scarce works, and although it is extremely defective in method, and abounds in repetitions, the information is generally more accurate than complete. Had we a better opinion of the taste of the present day, we should expect to see it translated: to the superficial reader indeed it offers but little to attra& attention, and the profoundly learned will as often have occasion to regret its defects as admire its excellence. Nevertheless, when we consider what numbers of English travellers of both sexes have visited with delight the sublime, the beautiful and the picturesque countries which are here described; when we reflect on the desire of retracing a country in which pleasures and fatigues are connate associations in the mind; but above all, when we see a hitherto successful effort made to enslave that country and to extinguish it's language, literature and laws, in order to raise an epicene despotism on the remains of French abominations; we cannot doubt that a judicious translation of this work with illustrative notes, and a good map, would be an acceptable present to the English public.

Tableau Politique de l'Europe, &c.

Political Picture of Europe, during the Year 1805, and the three first Months of 1806. By Mr. Le Comte de S****** 8vo. Pp. 158. Osnabruck; Imported by De Boeffe. 1806.

THE author of this political sketch first takes a brief view of the state of Europe, previous to the grand Confederacy, formed for repressing the ambition of France, in the spring and summer of 1805He then enters into an explanation of the nature and object of that Confederacy; of the events which gave rise to it, and of the causes which produced its dissolution. Coming from the pen of a foreigner, this picture is particularly deserving of attention; because, whatever motive of interest or of popularity, may be imputed to the different party-writers in this country; no suspicion of prejudice or partiality can reasonably be entertained of a foreigner, and that foreigner too, apparently, a Frenchman, who takes a calm and dispassionate view of the conduct of our Cabinet; and of its Allies. Adverting to the rapid progress of French ambition, he observes;

"The fortune of France was fixed at Marengo; the fortune of Napoleon at Austerlitz; the fortune of his family is now commencing. "The occupation of the principality of Lucca, and of Piombino, was

only

only one of those preludes by which Buonaparte always feels the pulse of Europe; by giving a sovereignty to the most obscure of his brothers-inlaw, to him who has distinguished himself by no one act, by no one negociation, who is ennobled by no military exploit, he only meant to shew what he destined for all the others.

"Let his ambitious progress be examined; and it will be seen, that every thing swells, and that every thing magnifies around him; it is no longer his colossal statue which he raises, 'tis the pedestal all the dimensions of which he enlarges.

"Eugene Beauharnois is first made Colonel of his Guides, General, and Viceroy of Italy? suddenly an alliance is formed for him with one of the first houses in Europe; his name is no longer sufficiently splendid for his fortune, it dies, and that of Prince rises in its place, and thus it is, that Buonaparte completes the spoliation of the children of Saint Louis.

"The fortune of Murat, of Louis, of Joseph, of Jerome Buonaparte, perhaps that of their brother Lucien too, are enigmas which trembling Europe should endeavour to solve. They are not mere principalities which are intended for them; why should they be placed below the Prince of Piombino; they must have kingdoms; and woe be to the sovereigns who must disappear to make room for this family of usurpers.

Speaking of the state of Europe, subsequent to the peace of Amiens, the Count justly remarks;

"There is not one power in Europe whose rights the pretended pacificator of Europe has not invaded; or whose interests he has not attacked, Allies or enemies, neighbouring or remote, weak or powerful, all nations have felt his influence; and each state, with violated independence, has been either thwarted or humbled by that European dictatorship which he presumes more than ever to exercise.

Consul; that is first magistrate, of the French Republic, Buonaparte usurped the sovereignty, by robbing the nation of it who had entrusted it to his care. By an intolerable treaty, he crushed Spain with the weight of a subsidy, so enormous that war was less insupportable; by his threats he extorted enormous sums from Portugal; he changed at his pleasure the constitution of Holland, and loaded it with the weight of his armies when he had no longer any use for them himself, and at the moment when they might have secured the country against the dangers of invasion, he withdrew them without pity.

"Despotic in his conduct to Italy, he changed the very republic which he had himself created into a kingdom; he reduced Piedmont into provinces of France; he made Genoa one of his Dock-yards; taking the Isle of Elba, from Tuscany, he continued, even after the war was over, to keep a garrison in Leghorn, and to dictate his orders to Florence; accustomed to bend religion to his yoke, he harnessed the sovereign Pontiff to his car, and, still more inexorable to the grandson of Louis XIV. whose name his conscience cannot bear, he stirs up with the

This was evidently written before Joseph, the soap-boiler, was made King of Naples,

Ii 3

kingdom

kingdom of Naples, more chicanery, more unjust quarrels, than the hungry wolf in the fable, stirred up with the peaceful lamb.

Moderate in appearance with the Empire of Germany, he took care by his political manoeuvres, to promote disunion, to prolong the chaos of indemnities, to sow all the seeds of animosity, and to ferment by his diplomatic intrigues, that gordian knot which his sword alone could

cut.

"But while Buonaparte did not respect any of the countries (France not excepted) which are more or less subject to his will, he equally attacked all those states, the power and pretensions of which considerations of prudence should have prevented him from opposing. He was bent on war, and he could only force Europe into it by accumulated acts of injustice. He wished for war, because war alone could dissolve the treaties which he had signed, and realize his great political dreams; he wished for it, because war by improving his finances, by exhausting those of his allies, and by weakening those of his enemics, suited his taste and his talents; administered to his glory, and raised that admiration which is the only sentiment which he is capable of inspiring, in the Nations which he rules.

"If Buonaparte, who so well knows how to render his passions subservient to his designs, had not had a direct object of aggrandizement in view, which made him wish for war, he would not have offended Austria by his obstinacy in seizing on a second crown which gave no additional splendour to the first; and he would not in a time of perfect tranquillity, have pitched a camp of 30,000 men, on that same plain of Marengo on which he had dictated the preliminaries of peace.

"By the Treaty of Luneville, he had ensured the Independence of Switzerland and of Holland, and although Austria was a joint guarantee, the Landamman of Helvetia, and the Grand Pensionary of the Hague had, for a long time, been nothing more than mere prefects obedient to his orders and to his laws. The Italian Republic was, by the same Treaty, entirely separated from France, and yet with France, and like France, she had changed her form, received the same Constitution, passed under the same yoke, and placed a Crown on the same head; and when Austria dared to express her surprize and displeasure at this, the only answer she received from the Pacificator of Luneville, seated on the Throne of Milan, was the union of the Ligurian Republic!

"If Buonaparte had not wished for war, he would not have attached so much importance to the island of Malta, when the ports of Liguria, when Minorca, Porto-Ferrajo, Ancona, Leghorn, and Civita- Vecchia afforded resources to his commerce and places of refuge for his ships; he would have shewn less jealousy at seeing the Russian squadrons in the Ionian Sea, if Egypt had not occupied his thoughts, if the Morea had not perpetually agitated his mind; lastly, if he had not been assured of a war in the North of Europe, his Ministers at Ratisbon would have used a very different language, and a remnant of liberty, left to the expiring relics of the Ger. manic Body, would have sufficed to spare the dignity of the higher Powers, who had also promised to guarantee it.

"The war on the Continent is the work of England, it is said, and yet, but for the Coronation at Milan, but for the union of Liguria with

France