EDUCATION. The Greek-English Derivative Dictionary; sherwing in English Characters. the Greek Originals of such Words in the English Language as are de. rived from the Greek; and comprising correct Explanations, from the. most approved Lexicographers, of the Meanings of each Word. Writ ten and comphed principally with the View of enabling the English Scholar, who may be unacquainted with the Greek Chara&ers, to acquire a more familiar and extensive Knowledge of his Language, by being made conversant with the Greek Originals, whence it is in great part derived. By William Burke. 4s. 6d. Johnson. 1806. MR. BURKE tells us this book was "written and compiled." Surely it must have been compiled before it was written. It is intended for the use of those who may be unacquainted with the Greek characters." The Greek characters may be learned in four-and-twenty hours. But the Greek being turned into English characters, English readers may in this dictionary become conversant with the Greek originals." This mode of teaching a language, of which one does not so much as know a letter, by means of a dictionary, and that too only a dictionary of scraps, is a singular design! We had imagined that it was not possible to bur lesque literature and the business of book-making more successfully than had been done by Mr. John Walker, in his Critical Pronouncing Dictionary of Greek, Latin and Scripture proper Names, and other publications; but Mr. Burke's ingeniousness in the way of burlesque far exceeds that of Mr. Walker. Introduction to an Analytical Dictionary of the English Language. By David Booth. Pr. 168. Price, in boards, 4s. 6d. Johnson, and Vernor and Hood. MR. BOOTH announces the general principle on which he offers this Introduction to the world, in a quotation from a French book, entitled, "L'Art de Pense," importing that it were to be wished that the first editions of books should not be considered as any other than rude sketches, proposed by authors to men of letters, in order to sound their sentiments concerning them," by way of motto on his title page. In an Advertisement, dated at Newburgh, in Fife, November 5, 1805, he informs us, that in December 1804, he had published "a Prospectus of an Analytical Dictionary of the English Language." In announcing his plan, it was proposed to arrange the vocables into classes; beginning with the explanation of the root, and proceeding with its compounds. The composition of English words presents a considerable degree of regularity. The signification of a primitive is varied by the addition of an extensive list of prefixes and terminations, such as ad, con, sub. arz, ation, ment, &c. * For an account of which, see this Review for November last. These These are words as susceptible of definition as any other, but their expla nation, or how they modify the original idea, if given wherever they occur, would serve only to swell the work by useless tautology; and it was therefore proposed to comprehend their definitions with a grammatical sketch of the language in an introduction. Circumstances having hitherto retarded the publication of the dictionary, and rendered the period of its appearance uncertain, the Introduction is now offered to the public; which Introduction, having a separate title, may be considered, either as an independent work, or as an advanced part of that of which it is the harbinger In the present work, our author treats of the probable origin of grammar, the difference of languages, causes of the complexity of their structure, composition of words, their grammatical arrangement, nouns, adjectives, verbs, adverbs, participles, pronouns, and articles. Having thus given an account of the different divisions of words, and found that the whole may be classed under the three heads of names, qualities, and actions; or, nouns, adjectives, and verbs, he might now, he observes, proceed to the prosecution of the plan of his dictionary, which is to attempt an explanation of the simple words; and along with every such: explanation, to note its various compounds, and to mark the addition to the original idea, which every prefix or termination exhibits. Previously, however, in observing these compounds, a system of regu. larity presents itself, which, if properly attended to, may in a material degree shorten his future labours. The particles, which alter the form of the primitive word, are not added to one root alone, but many. “ And,”** says he, if we can fix their meaning applicable to a single case, the expla nation will be the same, in whatever combinations they may be found. Should we discover that a particular termination or prefix has a certain definitive signification; and if it be found attached to a variety of simple words, that signification once determined, may be referred to in every case where it shall occur, and will save the trouble of unnecessary repetition. We shall therefore examine the different compositions of words with each of the affixes, as far as they possess sufficient uniformity to render the exami. nation useful to our designs." The most general affixes are the plural number, usually formed by the addition of () formerly spelt es, or is; time or tide, which was formerly synonymous with time, as Whitsun-tide, Martinmas-tide, Noon-tide, &c. The regular recurrence and similarity of the tides may have suggested the idea of using the word as indicative of multitude of the same kind, and a word denoting these changes of the sea may have given birth to the plu ral terminations. The particle ce, anciently spelt es, forms a termination in several words, and has the signification of time; thus, once, twice, and thrice, are equivalent to one time, two times, and three times. Another mark of plurality is en, as in oxen, brethren, children, &c. This termination was formerly much more common than now, as housen for houses, eyen for eyes, foxen for fixes, and shoen for shoes, &c. Having gone through various other uses or applications of en, in verbs as well as nouns, he proceeds, after a few words on the nature of cases, as the nominative, genitive, &c. to speak of the affixes off and of, an, in or ine, and ana, as matin, serpentine, Johnsoniana, &c. But we are led by the pleasure we feel in following this ingenious and original author-original on a beaten yet still fertile field-beyond our limits. Such of our readers as have a taste for disquisitions disquisitions of this kind, will find a high degree of entertainment, as well as information, in following his observations on the prefixes and termina. tions of the English tongue, and on the derivation or etymology of words, through the whole of his book. What he has observed of AFFIXES, Compres hending prefixes and terminations, is really most ingenious and important. Mr. Booth is an adept both in languages and universal or philosophical gram mar, in which, though he admits there is a general analogy in language or words, corresponding to ideas, which are the reflected images of nature, and the operations and abstractions of the mind, and so far approves the system of Mr. Harris; yet on the whole, he approves more of that of Mr. Horne Tooke. Here is a great mass of excellent matter compressed in this learned and ingenious publication, into a wonderfully small space, without obscurity. The style is every where unaffected, perspicuous, proper, and plain; such as beseems a didactic work. And, though elegance or orna ment are not studied, it is distinguished by an elegant brevity, which could arise from nothing less than a head truly fitted for abstract science, and a comprehensive and clear view of his subject. This gentleman, we understand, has occupied for some time, and now occupies, the humble and obscure station of schoolmaster at Newburgh; the population of which town, with the whole parish, does not, according to Sir John Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland, exceed 1664. It is, however, the res Angusta domi that we regret, which must put it out of his power to pursue to the best advantage the natural bent of his genius, not either the humility or obscurity of his station. His office is both respectable and important, and the obscurity of his abode would be not a little illuminated by his genius, if it should meet, as we would fain hope, from the specimen before us, it will, with due encouragement. POLITICS. Observations on the American Intercourse Bill; and on the Necessity of adhere ing strictly to the Navigation Laws of Great Britain, in order to protect the Shipping, Landed, and Manufacturing Interests of the United Kingdom, from the ruinous Consequences which will result from any farther Concessions to Neutral Nations. In a Letter addressed to Lord Holland. 8vo. Pr. 20. 6d. Richardsons. 1806. THESE brief observations are, avowedly, only preliminary to a farther and full discussion of one of the most important subjects to which the attention of the country can be directed. It were superfluous to ob serve, that we are principally indebted for our maritime superiority, and consequently for our political greatness, if not for our national indepen dence, to that wise code of laws, known by the name of the Navigation Laws. Any attempt, therefore, to infringe, in the smallest degree, upon the salutary provisions of such a code, must of course be viewed with extreme jealousy; the person who makes such attempt should be decply impressed with the conviction, that nothing but imperious necessity can possibly possibly justify the measure: and it is his duty previously to make out such a case of necessity. On such questions, one party contend for a strict adherence to that ancient maxim-Nolumus leges Anglia mutari; while, by the other, it is maintained that we are indebted to constant in novations for the degree of perfection to which our Constitution has attained. But the memorable Declaration of the Barons cannot be so construed as to preclude the possibility of improvement, or the enactment of such laws as new times, and new circumstances, call for; it means only, that the great fabric of the Constitution should remain inviolate, secured from every attack; and that all new laws should have for their object its preservation, protection, strength and security. Innovation, therefore, is a wrong term to apply to such laws; while they who use it may, by weakening the principle of adherence, and promoting the facility of change, render it an agent of the most formidable and most dangerous nature. Whether Lord Holland has made out such a case of necessity, as can alone justify such an infringement on our navigation laws as is proposed by his new Act, we are not prepared to decide. It has, we know, been contended by his Lordship, and other supporters of the measure, that the Act does nothing more than transfer the privilege of suspending the laws in question, under particular circumstances, from the Governors of our West India Islands to his Majesty's Ministers; and that it is much better that the power should be so vested by law, than that it should remain in its present state, subjecting those who exercise it to the necessity of applying to the legislature for an Act of Indemnity; while their opponents contend, that there is a material difference between an occasional connivance at an illegal A&t justified by necessity, and a constant power given by law to commit such an Act. Certainly there is such a difference as, we should have thought, could not possibly have escaped the attention of the most careless observer. Are Lord Holland and his noble friends prepared to carry this principle to its full extent; and to say, that in all cases where an Act of Indemnity is necessary, it is better to provide by a law for the prevention of such necessity? If so, away with the most solid barriers of the Constitution-the Test and Corporation Acts, the perpetual violation of which render an Annual Bill of Indemnity necessary. So much for the question in the abstract; but it ought to be argued, like every other question, on its own merits, never losing sight, however, of the constitutional principle. The author of this Letter insists, that no necessity for such a measure does exist; and that it is pregnant with ruin to the shipping interest in particular, and to the commercial interests of this country in general. He refers to a Report of the Board of Trade in 1792, drawn up by the Earl of Liverpool, which, it seems, was moved for in the discussion of the Bill in question, but its production was opposed, and successfully, by Lord Holland. This is passing strange! When we consider his Lordship's invariable practice, from the very commencement of his political career to the present time, to insist on the necessity of producing all papers that would throw a light on the subject of discussion, and to reprobate the refusal of them, on whatever grounds; and, when we consider also, that if ever there were a question which called for the closest investigation, this was such a question; and if ever there were a paper moyed for, the production of which could be attended with по no possible inconvenience, the Report of 1792 was such a paper! It is, however, in the press; and the public, therefore, will soon have an op: portunity of ascertaining its relevancy and its importance. The author says: "The perusal of it will easily satisfy the mind of the most fastidious person-that there is no necessity whatever for the Bill in question; that the Mother-country, and her remaining Colonies in America, are adequate to the sup ply of the British West India Islands; and that the shipping of Great Britain and Ireland is more than sufficient to insure, at all times, and at no increase of expence to the planters, the carriage of such supply, and conse. quently there is no occasion to yield to America this lucrative branch of trade, which will annually, in the article of freight only, realize to Great Britain upwards of 250,000l." Should this prove to be the case, the supporters of the Bill will stand with. out excuse; while the measure itself will be reprobated by every true friend to his country. This is no time for concessions to Nentral Powers; past concessions have been most injurious to our interests; further concessions will be ruinous to them; we must, however, be by no means understood as insinuating that this will prove to be the case; or as prejudging the main question on the Intercourse Bill itself. It is only as to the impolicy and danger of concession, in the abstract, that we speak with decision. The Policy and Interest of Great Britain with respect to Malta, summarily considered. 8vo. Pr. 156. Hatchard. 1805. THIS is a very able tract, and the author proves himself to be a complete master of the subject which he undertakes to discuss. He first takes a view of the political and commercial interests of this country, as affected by the possession of settlements in the Mediterranean, &c. shews what importance has ever been justly attached to the occupation of Gib. raltar, which the Spaniards ever considered as "the eye of the kingdom,** and the key and the bulwark of its empire." All our Ministers, since the capture of that fortress in 1704, have been so well aware of this, that they have resisted every effort to wrest it from this country by ne gotiation; and have encountered every danger and difficulty sooner than resign it. Still a farther footing in the Mediterranean has ever been deemed necessary, in order to secure a refuge for our fleets in all seasons of the year, which Gibraltar cannot afford. Hence it has been generally the policy of our government, at the commencement of a war, to seize the Island of Minorca ;-but both a strong garrison and a powerful flect are necessary to secure that island against the efforts of a sudden attack, to which it is particularly exposed. "But the fortunes of the late war, by a concurrence of causes the most unexpected and astonishing, have put Great Britain in absolute possession of another island; a rock, indeed, but which, placed in the very centre, and almost in the narrowest channel, of the Mediterranean; possessing a port in which the British navy might moor, and presenting a coast, impregnable, if but moderately defended, by any assault, guarding the whale of the Levant, and effectually controuling the naval movements of France in the East, in that sea, is-whether we consider it with relation to the political interests |