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Some notes are appended to this Address, the more important of which we propose to insert.

Note 1.-The true auxiliaries of the Peace Society should be found principally among sovereigns, the natural protectors of the lives of their subjects, and among men who reap from war only its thorns, yielding up to others the roses and laurels dyed with their blood, or with that of their children.

Note 3. In this register will be found almost all the sovereigns of Europe, or their ambassadors; rectors and Catholic bishops, Protestant pastors, especially of the countries threatened by war; mayors, burgomasters of the principal cities of Europe; natural and constant defenders of their interests under every dynasty, and under every form of government;-of writers, made eminent by their influence on opinion; of artists, capable of softening the heart by lively images of the comforts of peace, and of the horrors of war: finally, of women who, like Esther, throw themselves at the feet of the rulers of the world, to preserve the lives of their fathers, of their husbands, of their brothers, which are threatened by the most happy war, if we may be permitted to give that name to such a scourge, in conformity to common parlance: finally, of women who, endowed with talents to write or to paint, shall be able to touch hearts, the hardest and the least inclined to peace, by their poetry, their prose, and their paintings.

Note 4.-The printed memoir was accompanied with manuscript letters in French, German, and Italian, (the three languages spoken in the Swiss confederation,) in which I asked the Diet of 1828 to reform the penal code which still governed the federal troops, and which placed the councils of war in the melancholy alternative of adopting a revolting rigour, or an indulgence fatal to military discipline. Perhaps the Diet of 1831 will yield

to the requests which I have made to the presidents, and which I have asked the deputies of the Canton to renew, in two letters, addressed to the commissioner of instruction.

Note 7. Gratitude calls upon me to observe in this place, that persons who have expressed, some years since, the most sympathy for my opinions and sentiments, are also those whom I daily see called to fill the most important parts in the social hierarchy.

Mr. Casimir Perier, as I have observed in the text, is placed so near the throne, as to save Europe from every scourge. Mr. Berenger is selected by the government to reform the criminal code, and to make it harmonize with the constitutional institutions of France, and also with the spirit of the 19th century.

Mr. Livingston, celebrated for the code of Louisiana, in which he has abolished the punishment of death, and who has expressed himself, it is said, in a benevolent manner upon what I have done in my own country to obtain the same object, has been lately appointed the minister of the home department, by the general congress of the United States.—Mr. Mittermayer, confidential counsellor of his Royal Highness the Grand Duke of Baden, exercises the most just or lawful influence upon the opinion of Germany upon legislative subjects.

Öther men, equally praiseworthy for their character, as for their talents, have also condescended to give me the most lively proofs of their sympathy, and they are requested to receive this expression of my gratitude.

Note 9. In this note, M. de Sellon introduces several instances from ancient and modern history, in which the unfotunate, who were driven from their own country, found an asylum in Switzerland, whatever might be their political creed, and that this asylum was respected by the dominant party; he then notices the

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"The constitution of North America has acknowledged the right of Christians not to bear arms, when they believe it to be contrary to the spirit of the Gospel.

"I conclude, from all these facts, that it is not impossible to introduce into the international law of Europe, principles favourable to a general and pemanent peace.

"The existence of a conference, composed of representatives from some of the most powerful states, appears to me a circumstance which the London Peace Society should not suffer to escape its attention, that it may attain the object which it has in view, even as that of Geneva, and all those of the European continent, which will form themselves after its example."

that is most familiar to me, I have the honour of acknowledging the receipt of the Letters which you have done me the honour to write to me at different periods, and which I have received this morning.


I hope to send you by some opportunity, for which I am waiting, 1st. The Address, in manuscript, which I delivered the 12th of June last to the Peace Society, which is a kind of Report, wherein I give an account of what I have done for the cause which we have undertaken. (I have there placed before you a list of the sovereigns, bishops, pastors, mayors, and ambassadors, to whom I have sent the rules of the Peace Society, and also the original letters from crowned heads, who have most favourably acknowledged the receipt of my communications. should also have paid the same respect to the King of England, had I not thought it was unnecessary, since you would, undoubtedly, endeavour to gain over your own sovereign to your holy cause. Lord Grey having once addressed me through the Duke of Bassano, and the Duke of Gordon being a citizen of Geneva, I have sent them the Rules of the Peace Society, hoping, by this polite attention, to awaken in their minds the spirit of peace.) 2nd. The Rules of our Society, by which you will be acquainted with our Laws. 3d. A

Extracts from the Correspondence of circular Letter which accompanied

the London Peace Society.

Comte de SELLON to the Rev. THOMAS
[Translated from the French.]
To Messrs. JOHN BEVANS and
THOMAS WOOD, Secretaries of the
London Peace Society.

From my Country-house,

de la Fenêtre, near Geneva, 19th of June, 1831.

GENTLEMEN,Since you permit me to address you in the language

the Rules. 4th. A printed letter, in which I renew my efforts to procure the abolition of the punishment of death in my own country. I have had the satisfaction of being informed by statesmen of every country, that my Assembly [at Geneva] and my exertions, have greatly contributed towards lessening, if not entirely abolishing, the punishment of death. The same success will attend our labours, my fellow friends and col

*Without however having forwarded me his letter.

leagues in London. God will not,
perhaps, grant us the favour to see
the entire cessation of war while we
live, but he will grant us the pleasure
to observe more of diffidence and of
fear in rekindling the flames of war.
You are placed upon an eminence,
and the periodical works which par-
ticipate in your sentiments, could,
perhaps, at this period, point out
means of pacification which would
make an impression upon the great
persons now in London, who, like
the Roman ambassador, hold in the
folds of their robe
and war.
As peace does not only depend
upon good Christians such as you,
no legal and legitimate means must
be neglected to reach the ears and
the hearts of the rulers of the earth;
we must even sometimes adopt their
language, and become all things to
all men to attain our object.

I am indebted to the pastor Burnier for the numbers of the Herald of Peace, which have procured me the knowledge of your Society, the establishment of which I strongly recommended in one of my works, entitled, "Historical Fragments;" it is to this worthy ecclesiastic, who lives at Rolle, a little town in the Canton of Vaud, that I am indebted for the pure pleasure of knowing, that a small band of Christians were seeking to apply the spirit of the Gospel to the social relations of life, instead of spurning it from them, like the world, as reveries and chimeras.

It is not some hundreds of heads that I seek to preserve, in pleading the cause of the inviolability of the life of man, it is murder that I desire to banish from the world! murder that is committed on the scaffold; murder that is committed on the field of battle, commanded by the heads of society, which is, in my opinion, a violation of the command of God, THOU SHALT NOT KILL, and it gives a dreadful example to the populace, who only wait for a pretext to give way to their wicked

passions, and to make human blood to flow.

Sovereigns of the earth! do you proclaim the inviolability of the life of man, and you will sleep more quietly in your beds, for the crown has not saved the life either of Charles I., of Louis XVI., or of Paul I. It is not therefore the restriction of the punishment of death, but its total abolition, for which I plead as I have endeavoured for a long time past, to demonstrate that religion, as well as reason, command that we should exhaust every means of conciliation, rather than to have recourse to arms to settle a difference. Thus, I have often cited the 30th Book of the Memoirs of Sully, in which it will be seen, that Henry IV. and Elizabeth would give peace to the world by establishing a permanent and arbitral diet.

The changeful epoch in which we live, which can only be compared to the establishment of Christianity and to that of the Reformation, is very favourable to the establishment of a new principle, and we have the press to second our efforts: whereas, during the first epoch, it did not exist at all, and only imperfectly at the second; this press, which sometimes does much harm, God grants to us, in this third epoch of regeneration, wherein the Holy Spirit is to manifest itself and penetrate into real things. Now, if this Holy Spirit is to act, it must be for the abolition of the most dreadful of all scourges, even that which you hunt down with so much zeal and perseverance in England and America.

The abolition of despotism must necessarily promote our cause, as representative governments admit the fathers of families into the deliberations upon war, it is to be hoped, from their good sense, if not from a sentiment of humanity, that majorities will no more be found to vote for war.

Our Journal, the first number of which will soon appear under the title


of Records of the Peace Society, will endeavour to imitate The Herald of Peace, as much as a small country like Geneva can imitate a large country like England; but nothing is little which God inspires! Adieu, dear friends of peace, faithful servants of

Him, who is preeminently distinguished by the title of the Prince of Peace. Believe that you have all my sympathy and esteem.


President of the Geneva Peace Society.



Moral Results of War. By the Rev. THOMAS T. STONE.

“And the soldiers likewise demanded of him, saying, And what shall we do? And he said unto them, Do violence to no man, neither accuse any falsely; and be content with your wages.' Luke iii. 14.

THAT, instead of directing soldiers to abandon their profession, John merely admonished them to avoid the vices to which it was exposed, has been considered an argument of its lawfulness, and, by consequence, of the rectitude of war. This forms but a part of the more general argument stated in a preceding discourse, and admits the same reply. First, in the infancy of the christian institution, a direct attack upon the ancient and established system of war could have answered no other end than to multiply the efforts which would be made for its extermination. Secondly, if silence as to its criminality be proof that a given custom is not inconsistent with moral rectitude, civil despotism and domestic slavery may be vindicated equally with war.

In exposing the moral results of war, without restricting myself to those which the text suggests, I shall consider others equally essential to the aspect it assumes in the present state of society. Nor in estimating these effects shall I admit the ex

* "Archives de la Société de la Paix." VOL. VIII. NEW SERIES.


emption which too many seem to allow, of military men from the principles by which, in common with other men, they are bound to regulate both their feelings and their conduct ; principles not of patriotism, courage, and subordination alone, but of true virtue, as recognized by correct reason, as developed in the Bible, and as exemplified in the life of Jesus Christ,-comprised by our Lord in two commandments, and embraced in love, supreme toward God, disinterested toward men, and expulsive of selfishness, ambition, and revenge. Inspired by this lofty feeling, the perfect Christian can be neither servile nor oppressive, neither suspicious of evil, nor revengeful of wrong, nor proud of honour. loves his country; but he cannot narrow his mind to love his country alone. He loves the world; he loves the universe. He feels himself a man; and wherever man exists, wherever the image of God is on the aspect, or intellect, or heart,-whereever the understanding which God infused, or the seal of his own eternity is disclosed, he meets a brother: veneration is mingled with love, the Creator is adored, his work is embraced; violence seems a desecration of what is sacred, a disruption of relations which should not be dissolved, transgression of the laws of universal brotherhood. A son of God, destined and begotten to an eternal inheritance, he maintains habitual intercourse with heaven.



bued with a lowly wisdom, at once conscious of weakness, content with its lot, and active in duty, he yet feels and obeys a loftier wisdom, which soars above the world and beyond death, to hear and respond the anthems of eternity.

Our first question is, whether war has a tendency to form such a character; to promote piety, benevolence, and spirituality; to make the soul humble, gentle, and forgiving; in a word, to assimilate man to his Saviour and his God. The affirmative, I presume, would not be asserted by the strongest advocate of war. On this ground I am not aware that it has ever been defended. A spiritual mind has, without question, existed amidst the scenes of military service; but it has derived from them no support. It broke through every obstacle, but it found no congenial soil; it survived, like a sturdy shoot, unbroken by the blast, unwithered by the heat or the frost, and growing amid sterility and desolation.

I have implicitly replied to what forms our second question: Has war a tendency, an influence, hostile to christian virtue?-That to some extent it has, that it exposes to certain vices, the text implies by its specific admonitions. That to a still wider extent its deleterious influence naturally reaches, both the history of the past, and our knowledge of its character, concur in proving. God has appointed certain institutions, as the Sabbath and public worship, adapted to man's susceptibilities, and accompanied by spiritual influence, for the purpose of exciting and sustaining true religion. Of the necessity of such institutions to gather the scattered thoughts, to detach them from the world, and to impress stronger anticipations of eternity, the best men acknowledge a conviction, founded not more on theory than on consciousness. How great, then, must be their necessity to the young and

the thoughtless,--to those who feel most deeply the influence of outward impressions, and who maintain but feeble ascendancy over their own emotions! Yet these are the men by whom the temptations of military life are borne. At an age when reason is weak and passion strong,-when the mind is impressible and inclined to a levity which, however innocent in itself, introduces numberless temptations, they are called to a service in which the Sabbath is often employed, where the worship of God is seldom maintained, where the ministry is little known or regarded, where parental instruction and example are lost in the influence of associates often vicious, and not unfrequently active in drawing others to their own course.

Imagine a young man, educated in virtuous principles, accustomed to observe the Sabbath, to attend on the worship of God, both on that and on every day with his parents, and to study the Bible with reverence. Yet his principles and habits are not invincible. His virtues are the result of early custom, rather than the fruit of personal resolution. Subjected to favourable influences, they might ripen into strong and indestructible excellence. From such influences they are withdrawn. Go with him to his encampment. He meets multitudes either confirmed in various habits of vice, or strongly susceptible of its impressions; forgetful of the obligations of religion, nay, despising them, attaching to strict virtue the character of stupidity, and to artful crime the aspect of manly daring, of high spirit, of mental independence. Severed from better, and controlled by these influences, the youthful character, instead of retaining its modesty, sobriety, meekness, is marked by pride, by profanenes, by intemperance, by contempt of religion; proceeding insensibly from occasional to habitual transgression, first omitting, next disre

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