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vituperation against the Colonization Society, with a spice of which he has seasoned this passage. It seems, then, that, notwithstanding all his croaking and fearful forebodings of the effects the Colonization Society would have on the American community, he has been deceived; that the labours of this Society, in one particular channel of christian benevolence, for the mutual benefit of Africa and the American negro, have not closed up other channels of benevolence for the exclusive benefit of the coloured population of America. We rejoice to hear it; the field for benevolent exertion is sufficiently large for both these objects, without their interfering with each other.

We have already stated, that the societies which were established for the abolition of slavery, have, since the attainment of their immediate object in the free states, turned their attention to the education of the people of colour. We have now before us a Report of the African Education Society, instituted at Washington, December 28, 1829, in connexion with the Colonization Society. The second Rule explains its object-"The exclusive object of this Society shall be, to afford to persons of colour destined to Africa such an education, in letters, agriculture, and the mechanic arts, as may best qualify them for usefulness and influence in Africa." From the address we learn that an institution was commenced some years ago, for the purpose of African education, at Newark, in New Jersey; that a Society has also been formed at Hartford, in Connecticut, devoted exclusively to the higher stages of African education. "With these institutions it is not our design or desire to interfere at all, but to cooperate with them, and to render them every assistance' within our power." Of a Society that is thus doing all the good in its power to the deeply wronged African race, and to Africa itself, Mr. Stuart says

"That by ceding to the ruffian power, which will not cease from outraging the negro, the right to outrage him, it is doing all it directly can, actually, to sanction slavery in the United States.

"That its best effort, in relation to the slaves, is not to right them in love, but to substitute merely a less atrocious for a more atrocious wrong."

We do not know to what sentiment the first paragraph alludes, excepting it be to the admission of the master's conventional or legal right in his slave; we reject the

charge as a base calumny. The second paragraph evidently proves that Mr. Stuart is determined, at all events, if possible, to crush the infant colony of Liberia; for how can this colony be peopled, other wise than by the means which he here calls "merely a less atrocious wrong' than slavery? And what is this atrocious wrong? The slave obtains his freedom, and is restored to the land of his ancestors, where his colour will be no obstacle to rising to the highest dignities, and where he will be constituted a freeholder of thirty acres of fertile land. If this be a wrong, we know not what is a benefit.

We can afford no more than a few remarks on the printed document that Mr. Stuart has sent us.

"The unquestionable duty of the people of the United States, is to emancipate their 2,000,000 slaves, and to raise the 500,000 free coloured people to that estimation in their native country which is due to them. But the American Colonization Society deliberately rejects both of these first great duties, and confines itself to the colonization in Africa of the free coloured people. They say, in page 5, of their 13th Report, To abolition she could not look-and need not look." It' 'could do nothing in the slave states for the cause of humanity.' And in page 8, Emancipation, with the liberty to remain on this side of the Atlantic, is but an act of dreamy madness."

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The American Colonization Society have no more power than Mr. Stuart himself to emancipate 2,000,000 of enslaved blacks, and it is not his duty to condemn a benevolent Society for having more sense than to frustrate the good that is within their power by attempting impossibilities; neither is it so easy a task to root out deep-rooted prejudices, especially when they proceed from causes over which the christian philanthropist has no control. The Ameri can Colonization Society do not say what Mr. Stuart attributes to them. The first passage he quotes is taken from the speech of Mr. Key; and by "she," he does not mean the American Colonization Society, but Maryland; neither is the extract fairly given. The second passage is taken from the speech of G. W. P. Custis, Esq. There is more tact than honesty in this manner of giving quotations. Mr. Stuart says, "The greater the number of slaves transported, the greater will be the value of those that remain," &c. In a memorial of the people of colour of Maryland, they say," As a white population comes

in to fill our void, [by colonization], the situation of our brethren will be nearer to liberty, for their value must decrease and disappear before the superior advantages of free labour, with which the slaves can bear no competition." And these Memorialists express their approval of the objects of the American Colonization Society.

Mr. Stuart endeavours to expose the inability of the American Colonization Society to carry into effect the object they profess to have in view. He says, that the Society has been established thirteen years; that the total number transported in that period is 2,000; which, he says, makes the number transported yearly, 150. Now it was rather more than eight years, when Mr. Stuart wrote, since the establishment of the colony of Liberia; say eight and a half years, and the real annual average of the number of emigrants will be 236. We advert to this false calculation, not because we would lay any stress upon calculations of this kind in the infancy of a colony like that of Liberia, but to expose the fallacies Mr. Stuart would impose upon us as demonstrable truths. We will dismiss this printed document when we have asked one question. Is it not better that 1,500 or 2,000 slaves should be liberated and restored to their proper rank in society in the land of their forefathers, and to annihilate, in Africa, a trade of 10,000 slaves annually, than to sit with our arms folded and do nothing, because we cannot immediately emancipate the whole slave population in America?

We have now to apologize to our readers for devoting so large a portion of our work to a subject not immediately connected with its objects. The controversy has been forced upon us; we had no other alternative than to meet the objections urged against the account we had given of the colony of Liberia in our last number, or to give circulation, through the medium of our work, to a paper abounding with the most calumnious charges against the truly great and good men, who have been our principal and most active coadjutors in promoting the cause of peace in America. Again, we could not, consistently with the pacific character of our work, give our sanction to a paper which was calculated, by its false charges against our American brethren, to give strength and vigour to national prejudices on both sides of the Atlantic. We have done our duty, and

must leave the event with Him who can elicit good out of seeming ill.

THE LABOURERS' FRIEND SOCIETY. "The design of this society is, to print in a cheap form, and distribute, communications of facts, on the advantages of small farms, and on the important benefits which have been, and may still be derived by labourers, from possessing small portions of land, as well as to the country and land-owner, by the small amount of poor-rates, in places where such holdings have been granted, or continued, to the labouring population." We sincerely wish it success. From No. IX. of "Facts and Illustrations," &c., published by this Society, is taken the following

Interesting Narrative. In the little town of Britlington, on the coast of Essex, where the people are chiefly employed in the oyster-fishery; about twelve years ago, James Barker, Esq., Mayor of Colchester, who possessed some copyhold land in its vicinity, was induced to dispose of the same, in small portions, at a moderate price, to be paid by instalments, the lots varying in size from thirty rods to perhaps two and a half acres. At the abovementioned period, the moral and physical circumstances of the parties are described to have been of the most wretched description; their earnings being generally spent at the ale-house; and when the fishing was prosperous, they never thought of saving any part of their earnings; and, in consequence, when the fishery, being their only resource, in any ways failed, their condition was truly pitiable: even a profession of religion was scarcely recognised among them. Their abodes were miserable in the extreme; in fact, they could scarcely be said to enjoy the comforts of civilized society.

After entering upon their little allotments of land, having been instructed how to manage it to the best advantage, a spirit of emulation sprang up among them. They began to perceive what benefits might be derived from the cultivation of the soil, during those hours which formerly had been spent in dissipation, or wasted in idleness. By these means they not merely saved the money wasted in spirituous liquors, but realized a considerable sum by their industry, as well as health from their salutary employment. The Lord's day is now observed by them; a place of worship has been erected; and

those individuals whose feet never before trod the floor of a place of worship, now rejoice at the sound of a church-going bell: a day-school has been established, in which, as well as in a Sunday-school, their children are trained to industry, virtue, and religion. They are now comparatively neat and clean in their persons; their houses exhibit a greatly improved system of domestic economy; and it is a delightful scene to those who knew them thirteen years ago, to see them of an evening busily occupied in their little plots, and vying with each other who shall produce the best crops of cabbages, potatoes, grain, &c., and who can rear the finest pigs.

THE ALLOTMENT SYSTEM. As advocates of the system of letting land to poor labourers for spade cultivation, we are gratified at finding that a notice has been issued by order of the Countess de Grey, who possesses land near this town, offering allotments to all those who can come recommended for their good character. We hope to see the good examples already given on this point everywhere followed; and, as a proof that it may be done without the least injury to the farmer, we copy the following from a recently published pamphlet, by the Labourers' Friend Society: We import hemp from Russia for making ropes, and we receive from the same country cordage which more than competes with our own. We import butter and cheese from Holland; 40,000 Dutch cows are, probably, occupied in furnishing these articles for the port of London only. Eggs are also imported, it is believed, to an amount of nearly sixty millions in one year. Formerly, it is true, the spinning-wheel (now abstracted) furnished profitable employment to the labourer's family. This has now passed away; but the above facts demonstrate that we have a resource to which we must in future apply this one statement proving that we have a demand at the present time for the produce of 40,000 cottagers' cows, and 400,000 cottagers' fowls, without interfering with the British farmer."

The overseers of Saffron Walden have adopted the allotment system extensively, and in their published Report speak of its success as beyond their expectations. We also learn that a farm of Lady de Grey, in the parish of Flitton, having become vacant, it was

let in small parcels to the poor last Michaelmas twelvemonth, and the result is highly gratifying.-Essex Standard.


As, on this subject,

nothing affords us greater pleasure than to see the work of emancipation really progressing, however limited it may be, it is with much satisfaction that we present the following article that 407 crown slaves have been to our readers. It appears from it, already liberated, and that it is proposed to emancipate 1872 slaves more. We congratulate the friends of this deeply injured race upon this real progress in this cause of humanity and justice.

Emancipation of Crown Slaves.-On the 17th of August last, a conversation took place in the House of Commons, the subject of which we record with unfeigned and unmingled satisfaction.

Mr. Burge. I wish to ask the noble Lord, the Under Secretary for the Colonies, opposite, a question relative to the order that has been sent out relative to the emancipation of the crown slaves. I wish to know whether Government took pains to obtain full information on the subject, before they sent out the order to emancipate those slaves, and particularly by consulting those connected with these islands? I wish also to know whether any, and what steps have been taken for the future regulation and maintenance of those slaves who are to be emancipated? The House is aware that at present the Crown has to pay all the expenses of those slaves; but it is possible, now they have been emancipated, that they may become chargeable to the different parishes in which they reside in those islands, unless some provision has been made for them. I think that the islands should have been protected from having any burdens imposed on them on this account.

Lord Viscount Howick.-In answer to the questions of the honourable and learned gentleman, I beg to state, that Government did not send out or issue orders for the emancipation of the crown slaves, until they had obtained the best information on the subject, and until that information had been fully considered. Besides this, I can inform the honourable gentleman, that all necessary precautions

have been taken by the Government to guard against unfortunate consequences, by making a provision for those slaves in case of necessity. We certainly did not apply for information in the quarter to which the honourable and learned gentleman has alluded, because it was felt that those persons did not possess any peculiar sources of information on the subject. With respect to the results which the honourable member seems to anticipate will arise from the step that has been taken, I am happy in being enabled to state, that the experience of the past fully warrants our pursuing the course that we have adopted. I trust that the precautions we have now taken will prove, as they did on a former occasion, quite unnecessary. The House is aware, that in 1828, orders were sent out to the island of Antigua, to emancipate the captured negroes belonging to the Crown in that island. This was accordingly done, and was immediately followed by a great reduction in the government expenditure in that colony, and at the same time no evil has resulted from that measure.

Some years ago, the charge for the maintenance of the captured negroes in Antigua was 8,000l. per annum; but immediately after their emancipation, this expense was materially reduced; and I am happy to say, that it is now not more than 1,000l. a year. This charge also will yearly decrease, as it is principally for the support of those who are old and infirm. The House will recollect too, that it is much wiser to emancipate those who have long been in the colony, and who have been accustomed to habits of industry, than it was to liberate the captured negroes. If, therefore, the measure carried into effect respecting the latter was successful, the presumption is, that the present course will be attended with an equally happy result. I understand that the crown slaves in several of the colonies, and more especially Antigua, Berbice, and Demerara, are well able to maintain themselves in a state of comparative comfort, as most of them have been brought up to some trade. I cannot let this opportunity pass without reading an extract from a letter written from the Governor of Antigua, on the subject of these crown negroes. That gentleman says:

"It affords me much satisfaction in being able to state, that during the five months that have elapsed since the crown slaves were set at liberty, there has not


been a single complaint of their conduct, not a single charge has been brought against any one of them before magistrate,-not one of them has made application for relief on account of poverty, or other ground; but they have all been occupied industriously in providing for their own maintenance."

The report of the Governor of Antigua of the 371 captured negroes who were suddenly emancipated is equally favourable. No confusion resulted from this comparatively large body being liberated, for I believe all of them were enabled to obtain employment. Now, the number of crown negroes in the isle of Antigua is thirty-six, and they are all creoles. If, therefore, no evil resulted from the emancipation of the large number I have mentioned, is it likely any confusion will arise from the smaller number? I ask, is there any danger that these thirty-six creoles will occasion embarrassment, when the 371 negroes did not occasion any? again, the expense of supporting the thirty-six crown slaves in Antigua was 430l.; now this charge will be saved, as there is every reason to believe that they will be able to maintain themselves without any assistance.

With respect to the expense of the crown slaves in some other islands, I will, with the permission of the House, state a few circumstances. The number of crown slaves in Jamaica is 372, and the annual charge is about 1,700l. a year. In the colony of Berbice there are nearly 300 crown slaves, the annual expense of which is somewhat more than 500l. a year. Again, in the Mauritius, there are 1200 crown slaves, the expense of which is rather more than 4,000l. per annum. Now, it is obvious, that it is desirable that this expenditure should be saved to the country if possible; and I think I have stated sufficient facts to shew that this can be done with perfect security. I have not the least doubt in my own mind, that all these slaves will be able to maintain themselves without assistance, and thet they will become useful members of the communities to which they belong. I will here observe, that in consequence of what occurred in the House a few nights ago, a gentleman of the name of Wray has written a letter to Lord Goderich on the subject of the crown slaves in Berbice. This gentleman states, that he was for many years a missionary in that colony, and was much engaged in the instruction of the crown

slaves. He says most of them are good tradesmen, and could, if liberated, maintain their families in comparative comfort; that the greater portion of them can read, and that they take the greatest care in bringing up their children. He adds, that six crown slaves were liberated three years ago; that he has watched the conduct of them since, and that more industrious and sober workmen could not be found. He concludes with stating, that he anticipates the most beneficial results from the course that he understands has been adopted, of liberating the crown slaves in the colonies; and that he has no doubt they will be able to maintain

themselves without any expense to the
Government. I can, for my own part,
only add, that it has always been under-
stood that the crown slaves in these colo-
nies should be emancipated as soon as it
I think that that
could be safely done.
time has now arrived, and that Govern-
ment was called upon to take the step
they have now done. That the crown
slaves could be safely emancipated, we
have the concurrent authority of many
persons well acquainted with the subject.
I hold it, therefore, to have been the duty
of Ministers to adopt that course as
speedily as they could.-Anti-Slavery Re-
porter, No. 89, pp. 453–455.


LINES ON THE DEATH OF JUNOT, DUKE OF ABRANTES. Junot, Duke of Abrantes, was gradually elevated from the humble station of a grenadier in the army of Napoleon, till he attained the rank of a marshal of France. He accompanied his master in the Russian campaign, where his constitution was entirely subverted by the hardships he endured. Bourrienne relates, that, enfeebled in mind, and broken down in body, he found his way to his native village, and ended his days in the very cottage formerly inhabited by his parents, and where he himself first drew breath; a touching but instructive instance of the nothingness of that glory which had numbered him among its most successful votaries.

'Neath the humble roof of a lowly shed,

A warrior was stretched on his cold death-bed.
'Neath the sunshine clear of his own bright sky,
He had come from the land of the Russ to die.
He had sought death long on the battle-plain,
But his eager search had been all in vain;
Thousands around him, to rise no more,
Had sunk, all bathed in their warm heart's gore;
But he had been spared, 'mid the heaps of dead,
And the death-shaft touched not his shielded head.
It was not for this he had braved the fight,
And eyed the slaughter with stern delight;
That he rushed the first in the fiercest fray,

And turned the tide of the battle-day!

He had hoped that his death with the brave should be
In the joyous hour of the victory.

But now he was laid in the spot where first
The beam of the day on his young eye burst;
And each object he gazed on would still recall
Loved forms, long vanished, and faded all,
And the days that were past, for ever, when he
Desported him there, in his childhood's glee.
'Twas the home he had left in the joyous time
Ere yet his young spirit was tinged with crime;
And happier far had that warrior been,

If he never had roamed from the tranquil scene.
For now, when he glanced o'er the blood-stained track
Of his path of triumph and victory back;

When he thought of the hearts he had rent and torn,
Of the thousands his red sword had made forlorn;
Oh! the richest renown that his deeds had bought,
Seemed but as a phantom, a thing of nought;
And he would have given it all, I trow,
To have felt the Christian's bright hope now:
To have known that a mansion above would be
His abode thro' a joyful eternity!

A. B. S.

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