compact exists that it is to be repeated as soon as there may arise what the public authorities shall think a necessary occasion. It is therefore a national sin, and the time to clear ourselves from it is when the immediate temptation to it is not present. Is there no humane, no christian senator who will dare to bring in a bill by anticipation, to render this barbarous oppression illegal? Let us know how we stand. If we do not voluntarily preclude ourselves from the possible commission of the crime, we prove that, if the temptation should occur, we intend to perpetrate it; and therefore, by our Lord's interpretation of the Divine law, we live under habitual guilt, as much as if our purpóse proceeded to act.

A similar instance, which is the subject of the following remarks, is the crime of privateering. It is incredible that such an atrocity should be still tolerated in any professedly Christian and civilized country. National war, however just or necessary, is sufficiently terrible, without calling in private cupidity, and legalizing the worst horrors of piracy. The object of an attack by a national vessel, is to cripple the common enemy-spoil and prize-money are at least professed to be very subordinate considerations;-but in privateering the whole object is personal gain. It differs from national warfare, as a highwayman murdering a man to steal his watch, differs from a duellist. It pretends to no motive of honour or patriotism, but is utterly base and sordid. It deliberately weighs blood against gold, and calculates how many dollars will repay the destruction of so much human life, and the fearful contingencies of the contest. The loss, spoliation, and ruin of the unoffending parties, whose property is seized by brutal violence, are not for a moment taken into consideration.

Can nothing be done by anticipation to prevent the recurrence of this murderous practice? The present

period is peculiarly favourable for such a measure. Whenever war comes, it may be too late to expect that nations, at least the stronger maritime powers, will enter into a compact to secure the object; but in the cool moments of peace such a stipulation might be easily effected. The United States of America had the high honour, in the year 1823, of proposing this very measure as an article of international law. Instruc tions were given to the American ambassadors in France, Russia, and Great Britain, to urge the matter upon those governments; " and when," says the President in his message, the friends of humanity reflect on the essential amelioration of the condition of the human race which would result from the abolition of private war on the sea, and on the great facility with which it might be accomplished, requiring only the consent of a few sovereigns, an earnest hope is indulged that these overtures will meet with an attention animated by the spirit in which they were made, and that they will ultimately be successful."

This hope, it is to be feared, has not been accomplished; at least no communication to Parliament has ever been made, stating that the British cabinet concurred in the humane suggestion of the American government. With what nation, or what minister, lies the guilt and inhumanity of having frustrated the proposal of the American President, I know not; perhaps, as concerns our own, some member of the legislature may think it right to ask for copies of whatever communications may have taken place on the subject. It is hoped that the present cabinet would concur in the proposed international arrangement; and it might be well to invite the attention of government, of the legis lature, and of the public, by the presentation of a few petitions to Parliament, urging the question on the grounds of morality, religion,

humanity, and even political expediency. If taken in time, in the hour of peace, it might be easily settled, and thus prevent, in case of war, a recurrence of those fearful scenes of injustice, plunder, bloodshed, and demoralization, which are inseparable from this barbarous practice.

[The writer here gives the interesting narrative of the measures that were adopted by Joseph Fox, a Friend, to restore to the owners prize-money that had fallen to his share in consequence of his having shares in vessels which his partners, without his consent, had armed as letters of marque; for which see Vol. VI. p. 437, of our Work. The writer's concluding remarks are— -]

It would be superfluous to add any thing to the above narrative, except, perhaps, to say, that if some Joseph Fox would zealously take up the subject of privateering, and devote himself to procure its abolition, he might live to witness, or his children after him, an abolition of this nefarious practice, and leave his name to be remembered among the true benefactors of the human race.

He

would, however, have a yet brighter reward than to stand on the honorary rolls of philanthropy; for he would have the approbation of conscience, and the satisfaction of having promoted peace on earth, and goodwill to men. Nor, it is trusted, would the task be long or arduous, compared, for instance, with the abolition of the slave-trade and slavery ; for who is there that would venture upon principle to defend a custom so utterly opposed to every dictate of Christianity and justice? W. [We cordially agree with the worthy author of this article in his unqualified condemnation of what he correctly denominates "the national crime of privateering." We would not, however, leave the removal of this "national crime" to the singlehanded exertions of a philanthropic

Joseph Fox, or of any other individual; but we call upon the nation itself to come simultaneously forward to blot out this antichristian, this piratical stain upon its character, and load the table of the Commons' House of Parliament with petitions for its removal. Let, also, the same means of petitioning be resorted to for the removal of the no less national crime of the "cruel system of impressment." Energetic conduct like this will, by storming the outworks, open the way to a successful attack upon the citadel, even war itself. In speaking of which we cannot, with our author, apply to it the thread-bare, hacknied phrase "just and necessary." We agree with him in thinking that there is some alliance between this most cruel scourge of the human race and duelling; at the same time we believe that in taking a comparative view of these two customs, there would appear less of moral turpitude in the latter than the former. Of this opinion was Dr. Johnson, who says, "If public war be allowed to be consistent with morality, private war must be equally

so.

Indeed we may observe what strained arguments are used to reconcile war with the Christian religion; but, in my opinion, it is exceedingly clear, that duelling, having better reasons for its barbarous violence, is more justifiable than wars in which thousands go forth, without any cause of personal quarrel, and massacre each other."-EDITOR.]

Extracts from a Memoir of the Rev. C. F. Schwartz, Missionary to India.

ON commencing his residence at Tanjore, in 1779, he exerted himself to procure the erection of a church in that city, and applied to the Madras government to assist him in this favourite object. To his no small surprise, he was immediately summoned

to Madras; and on his arrival, was told that his request should be granted, but that the government wished him to undertake an important service, which may, perhaps, be best described in his own words. "About the time when I commenced building the church at Tanjore, I received a letter from General Munro, requesting me to repair to Madras, the governor having something of importance to communicate to me. I undertook the journey, and calling upon Governor Rumbold, he opened the occasion of his having sent for me. He spoke nearly as follows:It appears that Hyder Ally Caun entertains warlike designs. Now, as we wish to know his views with certainty on this momentous subject, it has appeared to us that you would be the most suitable person to employ for that purpose. You can speak Hindostanee, and require in your discourses no interpreter ; we are satisfied that you act impartially, and will not allow yourself to be bribed by any one; and you have it in your power to travel through the country without external pomp and show, and to remain unnoticed the whole journey, (a circumstance on which we calculate much,) until you speak with Hydernaicken himself."

After deliberating on this proposal, Mr. S. conceived it his duty to comply with the request of government, hoping that he might be the means of promoting peace; and anticipating, at all events, that many opportunities would be afforded him of preaching the Gospel to those to whom it was entirely unknown. In the latter hope he was fully gratified, though on the former he was disappointed. After relating various particulars of his journey, Mr. S. thus proceeds:

"At Caroor, I abode a whole month, having to write to Hydernaicken, and await his answer. On the 24th of August, we arrived at the fort of Mysore, from which the land has its

name, and observed with delight the beautiful country.

"When I waited on Hydernaicken, he called me to sit down by him. On the floor were spread the most beautiful carpets: yet I was not asked to take off my shoes. He listened to all, spoke very frankly, and said that the Europeans broke their public engagements, but that he was desirous to live in peace with them. Finally, he wrote a letter, (or caused one to be written,) had it read to me, and said, What I have mentioned to you, I have briefly detailed in the letter.'"

After staying some time in Mysore, Mr. Schwartz returned to Madras. The integrity, zeal, and benevolence, displayed by Mr. Schwartz in his mission to Hyder Ally, were not accompanied by the results which this great and disinterested friend of his adopted country had hoped. Hyder, provoked, it is said, by the aggressions of the Madras government, invaded the Carnatic, in July, 1780, at the head of an army of a hundred thousand men. In the course of the conflict which ensued, the most dreadful atrocities were committed by both the belligerent powers. The whole country was laid waste: the towns and villages were burnt to ashes; the inhabitants plundered and put to the sword.

To the calamities of war, were, in a short time, added the horrors of famine. As the sluices which supplied the country with water were destroyed by Hyder's troops; and as the inhabitants had no security for the crop, they did not sow their fields, and of course could reap no harvest. The people, indeed, forsook the country, and fled to the larger towns, particularly to Tranquebar, which was so full of strangers, that a moderate lodging for a family cost a thousand rix-dollars a-year. Here the scarcity rose at length to such a height, that people died daily of hunger in the streets; the govern

E

ment was obliged to appoint some persons to carry the dead bodies out of the town and bury them. Before the doors and windows of the inhabitants stood crowds of people, famishing for want, and crying for rice. To alleviate the general distress, the missionaries and other benevolent individuals distributed provisions among them. The whole street, on such occasions, was filled with hundreds of these victims of famine, whose impetuosity could be restrained only by a guard of sepoys, laying about them with blows. In the confusion, they threw one another on the ground, and seized the rice out of each other's hands. No individual benevolence, however, could relieve the general distress. A subscription was therefore raised, among the more opulent inhabitants, for the relief of the poor.

At one

time, the poor amounted to twelve hundred, many of whom were little better than skeletons, covered only with a slender skin. Scarcely able to stand on their feet, and to preserve their balance, they tottered like children along the street. Many sunk down from absolute weakness, remained under the rays of a burning sun, or lay in the rain and died. It was truly deplorable to behold the bodies of the dead lying in the streets, many of which were devoured by dogs, and birds of prey, and other ravenous animals, before they were found and buried by those appointed to collect them. More died of unwholesome food than even of absolute hunger.

The unwearied exertions of the missionaries to alleviate these evils, and the success with which these

exertions were attended; shows the important benefits produced by christian principles and christian conduct. Thus Mr. Schwartz was ever ready to labour for peace, and to strive, in every possible way, to alleviate the horrors of war.

It is a circumstance worthy of notice, that even Hyder Ally, in the midst of this cruel and vindictive war, gave orders to his officers "to permit the venerable father Schwartz to pass unmolested, and to show him respect and kindness, for he is a holy man, and means no harm to my government." Such indeed was the high estimation in which he was held, that Colonel Fullerton assures us, "the knowledge and integrity of this irreproachable missionary had retrieved the character of Europeans from the imputation of general depravity. These testimonies from a Mahommedan monarch, and from a military officer, given under circumstances which preclude every idea of partiality or prepossession, convey an eulogium on the character of Mr. Schwartz, which far exceeds the highest panegyric we could bestow.

This excellent man, and devoted missionary, died near Tanjore, on the 13th of February, 1798, where he had built a house for his residence, and which he had made an orphan asylum; here the last twenty years of his life were spent in the education and religious instruction of children, particularly those of indigent persons, whom he gratuitously maintained and instructed.

In 1807, the East-India Company erected in Madras a monument to his memory, from the inscription upon which, the following is extracted :~

Thoughts on the Present State of Affairs, 1752. By ELIZABETH CARTER.

THE last winter has been a calamitous one to several nations, and alarming to our own; and the summer prospect is clouded with impending dangers. What method can I take to avoid the threatened evil or to quiet my fears? Can I fly into some distant country, and endeavour to secure myself there? My connexions and attachments render this an impracticable scheme. Shall I depend for protection on the assistance of my friends? They are helpless and defenceless as myself. Is there, then, no refuge left? Yes; a reliance on Him in whose hand are "the issues of life and death," and the disposal of all events.

And have I, then, been careful to secure an interest in this Almighty Protector, this unfailing friend? Dare I, with humble hope and confidence, look up for aid and support to that God, who is " of purer eyes than to behold iniquity?" This is an awful and important inquiry, and merits my most serious attention. Let me examine my own heart: of atrocious crimes perhaps it fully acquits me but to these have I any temptation? In avoiding them, how little have I to boast?

But are there not faults of a less observable nature, and often much too slightly overlooked, for which, in my situation, I am strictly accountable? By the gracious disposition of Providence I am a Christian: have

I duly considered what this sacred character imports? what a strictness of behaviour my profession requires? Is religion, and a perpetual view to the solemn account which I must one day render, the governing principle of my life? Does it, as far as mortal frailty will permit, influence my whole conduct, my actions, my discourses, and accompany me even in my diversions and amusements?

In this season of public danger, let me consider in what particulars I am faulty, and sincerely endeavour, by the divine assistance, to correct what I discover to be wrong.

Fear, when it terminates in itself, is a painful and contemptible passion: but, properly applied, may be sanctified to a noble use. That use our blessed Saviour has pointed out to me. If the fear of God influences me to correct whatever would tend to deprive me of his favour and protection, what else shall I have to fear? Whatever be the event of the present alarming dangers to me, if I do not forfeit my hope in the Divine goodness, it will certainly be happy, Though the earth trembles beneath my feet, my soul will be immovably fixed on " the Rock of Ages ;" and when the sword hangs over my head, I shall acquaint myself with God, and be at peace."

"

Extracts from a Memoir of ABEL

THOMAS, of Pennsylvania.

[FACTS Sometimes speak louder than words. That peace is preferable to war is too self-evident to be denied