same day with these presents, and ency-ligious discipline, on the ground of its beclical to the R. C. churches, we have ing perilous to the State, because Roman judged, concluded, and declared, that, Catholic, and this without a single induring the public captivity of his said stance of danger incurred, must at once Holiness, and until his freedom shall have degrade our church in the estimation of been unequivocally manifested by some Europe; as dishonouring its most prevailact, not merely of approbation or cession, ing christian belief, by our implied acquieswe refuse, send back and reprobate; and, cence in a charge of its inadequacy to moreover, for ourselves, we annul and maintain the most perfect social faith; cancel as to any effect, all briefs, or pre- and must prejudice at home the interest tended briefs, bulls, or pretended bulls, of the public cause, by disabling our aurescripts, even as of his proper motion, thority, which is, and has been, and will and certain knowledge, bearing the title ever be, exerted in that cause. as from his said Holiness, and purporting to be declaratory of his free, or of any, resignation of the papal office, and that, during the said captivity of Pius VII. we will account the years of his Pontificate, and of no other. "11. Resolved, That if it should please God, that his said Holiness should die, as now a prisoner, we will continue to account the Holy See vacant, until full information and canonical proof shall be had by us of the free, canonical and due election of his successor. 12. Resolved, That before the date of an Irish act of Parliament, giving the last relief to his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects, and from that to this present time, the recommendation of us bishops, when concurring, had been progressively advancing in weight and authority with the Holy See, and, as we believe, principally from the following cause; that we were known to be at once attached to our lawful government, and attached to the Roman Catholic faith; neither sacrificing our religion to woridly hopes, nor making this freedom of conscience a cloke for malice; but inculcating religious and social duties, in the name of God, the founder of both. "15. Resolved, That the idea of mak ing the elections of bishops entirely national, by confining the said election to chapters alone, or to chapters and metropolitans, is superseded by the matters and considerations of the three last resolutions; is, moreover, not within our competence; and though it had been free of the guilt of schism, would, in the present circumstances of the Irish Catholics, subject our religion to the most serious and unseemly disadvantages; and in our judgment, would most probably lapse into the sole and positive appointment of the Crown. "16. Resolved, That as to arrangements regarding our church, and said to be intended for accompanying a proposal of the emancipation of Irish Roman Catholics, prudence, and a regard for our duty forbids us to pronounce a judgment; whereas those rumoured arrangements have not been ascertained by us through any channel. However, we declare, that no spirit of conciliation has been ever wanting on our part; that we seek for nothing beyond the mere integrity and safety of the Roman Catholic religion, in its christian faith and communion, and in its essential discipline, subordination and moral code: nor may we be justly reproached for our solicitude in guarding those sacred things, for which we bound to watch, and bear testimony with our lives if required. "13. Resolved, That by the course latterly adhered to, two benefits were obtained, and were in progress to become a part of our ecclesiastical system; the one that the choice of persons to fill the office of bishops, effectually originated from, and was circumscribed by us, so far at least as to make it inaccessible to any foreign temporal influence, or corrupt recommendation: The other advantage was this: that it held out our hierarchy to the world at large, as purely selected; and has obtained a distinction, which ultimately rebounded to the honour of the tolerating spirit of his Majesty's governed ment. "14. Resolved, That any change, at present, in our ecclesiastical appoint.. ments, expressly innovating upon our re are "Which Resolutions we have also ap proved, and make known to you, that you may hold firm the anchor of Faith, and the hope of God, and the true doctrines of the gospel; to which adhering, you will prosper. Once more, Reverend brothers and beloved children, peace be with you! Amen. the following vote of thanks to Dr. On the same day, the Prelates passMilner, their Agent in England :-- "Resolved unanimously, That the thanks of this meeting be, and are here by given, to the Right Rev. Dr. Milner, Bishop of Castaballa, for the faithful discharge of his tluty, as Agent to the Roman Catholic Bishops of this part of the United Kingdom; and more particularly for his late Apostolical firmness, in dissenting from and opposing a vague, indefinite declaration or resolution, pledging Roman Catholics to an eventual acquiescence in arrangements, possibly prejudicial to the integrity and safety of our church discipline." This public expression of pure Catholic opinion, on the part of the clergy, produced a corresponding energy of sentiment on the part of the laity. Accordingly, "At a meeting of the general Committee of the Catholics of Ireland, held at D'Arcy's, in Earl Street, Dublin, on the 2d of March, 1810, unanimously and respectably attended by the different members from all parts of Ireland, The Lord Ffrench in the Chair. The Most Rev. Dr. Murray read to the Committee a written communication from the Catholic Prelates of Ireland. It was unanimously resolved, That the thanks of the Committee are due, and are hereby given, to the Most Rev. and Right Rev. the Catholic Prelates of Ireland, for the communication now made to us through the Most Rev. Dr. Murray, and the Rev. Dr. Hamil. That the thanks of the meeting are due, and are hereby given, to the Most Rev. Dr. Murray, and the Rev. Dr. Hamil, for making that communication. ar companied with such provisions not contrary to their feelings, as you may think necessary to the security of your own establishment, and that an rangement on this basis will be thankfully accepted by them. The decla ration of what I have stated is con tained in the second petition." The noble Lord, in a subsequent part of his speech said, "the second petition which was signed by three out of four of the Vicars Apostolic, and by most of the Catholic Peers, went to to this object; it was worded in a general way, and he thought it was better it should be so." Some of your readers may probably be surprised that Lord Grey should speak so decidedly upon the subject; but their astonishment will cease, perhaps, when they reflect that the fifth resolution was brought forward, not merely with the approba tion of himself and the concurrence of Lord Grenville, but that it was actually suggested by them to the members of the Board, and we have seen it publicly asserted, that one of the noble Lords wrote the words in pencil, and the other filled them up with ink. To proceed, however, with my narrative, we find that Lord Grenville, on presenting the Waterford petition to the House of Lords, on the 8th of March, 1810, evidently adverting to the proceedings of the cler That, as Irishmen and as Catholics, we never can consent to any dominion or controul whatsoever, over the appoint-gy ment of our Prelates, on the part of the Crown, or of the servants of the Crown." I now proceed with this interesting subject in exposing the arts and wiles used in this country to effect the accomplishment of this measure, notwithstanding the clergy and laity of Ireland, had decided unequivocally against it. The petition of the English Catholics, together with a rider, or second petition, in the words of the fifth resolution, was presented by Earl Grey, to the House of Lords, on the 22d of February, 1810, when his Lordship is reported to have said, that "while the English Catholics pray for relief, they are willing to accept it ac and laity of Ireland, on the 26th of February, and the 2d of March, said, that he wished to take the earliest opportunity of restating his opinions on this important subject. Indeed, it could not be necessary to restate them to their Lordships. He had some time back adoped the most public mode of declaring and discussing them, and he had now only to say, that whatever circumstances had since interven ed had not altered his opinions, but had strengthened them. Much less had he since made any attempt to change their character or complexion, with a view to square them with any new doctrines, or suit them to any new purpose. t With those circumstances strong before them, with a perfect know ledge of the stratagems which had been resorted to, and which it was likely would be tried again, it will not be surprising to your readers, that a meeting of the GENERAL COMMITTE of the CATHOLICS of IRELAND, held at D'Arcy's Hotel, Dublin, on the 24th of April, 1810, Thomas Wise, Esq. in the Chair, "Resolved, That we feel it a duty we owe to ourselves and to our country, solemnly to declare, that the Catholic Laity of Ireland never have, directly or indirectly, authorized any persons to offer, through our friends in Parliament, or otherwise, the conceding to the Crown, any interference whatsoever with respect to the appointment of Catholic Prelates in Ireland." That the adoption of some such public resolution on the part of the laity of Ireland was highly necessary, the following facts, of previous ocCurrence, will serve to shew. On the 26th of January, 1810, Mr. C. Butler, writing in the name of the Board of the Catholics of Great Britain to the Secretary of the Catholic Committee of Ireland, uses the following words: "The wish of the English Catholics is, and always will be, to adopt no measure, but what may be considered as auxiliary to the more effectual exertions of the Catholics of Ireland," That the wish here expressed was sincerely felt by some of the members of the Board there can be no doubt; but subsequent events served to shew that the wish unfortunately was not general. Had they been really desirous of co-operating with our brethren in Ireland, we should not have been exposed to the severe mortification of witnessing the divisions which afflict our little body. By standing manfully by the side of our fellow Catholics of Ireland, we might have commanded both honour and respect, though we might not, perhaps, ensure success; while, on the contrary; by the course we have adopted, we are lessened and degraded in the eyes of the Irish Catho L lics; we are contemned and despised by our Protestant rulers!--Such must ever be the effect of resorting to such a crooked and tortuous system of policy as I am unravelling, We have it on unquestionable authority, that many Catholics signed. the fifth resolution, under the impression that it was brought forward with the knowledge of the Irish Catholics, and with the conviction that it would be adopted by them: nay, so refined was the system of deception used upon the subject, that the Catholics of England were made to believe, by reports in the newspapers, that the Irish Catholic clergy approved of the fifth resolution; and to support this fraudfull assertion, an isolated passage from the 16th resolution was quoted, in which the prelates of Ireland say, "We declare, that no spirit of conciliation has been ever wanting on our part; that we seek for nothing beyond the mere integrity and safety of the Roman Catholic religion, in its Christian faith and communion, and in its essential discipline, subordination, and moral code." The good sense however of the Catholic Body was not to be deceived by such a poor witless manœuvré as this; it was found impossible to blind the eyes of the English Catholics,to the alarming fact, that they had, without intending it, and without even knowing it, separated their interests from those of the Catholics of Ireland. Accordingly, some plan must be devised which should widen the breach, and, if possible, prevent a junction between the two bodies, to the utter exclusion of the self-elected, self-appointed Board. To accomplish this project, who so desirable as the renowned Mr. C. Butler, who, with an arrogant presumption, which no other person dare assume, wrote, on the 17th of March, 1810, in the name of the English Board, requiring the prelates of Ireland to rescind their vote of thanks to Dr. Milner of the 26th of February-to withdraw their confidence from him, and appoint some other agent; and threat ening, that, in case of refusal, Dr. Mil-flattered Mr. Grattan's vanity, yet his ner should not for the future be consulted on the affairs of the Catholics of England. It is needless to add that this letter received the contempt it merited. To a certain extent, however, it answered the purpose for which it was written; it had the effect of keeping open the division which so unfortunately had been effected between the Catholics of the two countries. But to return to the conduct of our Parliamentary friends. patriotism was not sufficiently strong or disinterested to struggle sincerely for their liberation from slavery. How different upon this occasion was the conduct of General Matthew, who, as an honourable and consistent friend to the just claims of his countrymen, declared that "He could not agree in coupling an intrinsic right,grounded on justice and policy, with any condition, such as the Veto, which the Catholic body felt to be incompatible with the faith which they professed, and the discipline to which they stedfastly adhere. He denied the truth of the grounds upon which a surrender of their religious discipline was asked: the Irish Catholics never had any intercourse with foreign powers or potentates, but the mere acknowledgement of the spiritual power of the Pope only." that On the 18th of May, 1810, Mr. Grattan moved that the Petition of the Irish Catholics be considered in a Committee, and in the course of his speech stated, that "his own opinion was in favour of the Velo; but it did not appear to him that there was any probability of inducing the Catholics to accede to this arrangement." One would naturally imagine, by Mr. Grattan's undertaking to present and sup- "I do not feel myself competent (says port the petition, that he fully con- the Hon. General) to judge upon curred in the prayers of the petition- branch of the present subject, but I ers, and yet he most inconsistently have not, on that account, any diffitells the honourable House, as an in- culty, because I can defer to others; ducement, I suppose, to support his and, indeed, had I an opinion against motion, that his own opinion was the Catholics, I should not insist upon totally at variance with the determi- it, because, in a matter of religion, nation of the petitioners. It was im- I do not think myself considerable possible for the worthy gentleman to enough to have my opinion put in be mistaken on the subject, as the fol- competition with that of an united lowing resolution on the part of the mass of four millions of men, who un Irish Catholics, on the 25th of Janu-derstand their own interest as well as, ary preceding, will testify. and their own faith better than I do; better I will venture to affirm, than any individual can do.” Resolved-That deeming it highly expedient to contribute our best efforts to set the question of the VETO at rest for Having thus stated the opinions ever, we feel ourselves called upon to declare our hearty approbation of the deci- of two of our friends, I hasten to place sion of the Irish Bishops against that before your readers, the sentiments measure. That it constituted the pride of an avowed opponent. Sir William and glory of the Irish Catholic to have Scott, in adverting to Mr. Grattan's preserved unimpaired the religion of his favourite plan of domestic nomination, forefathers and of his conscience, during to the complete exclusion of the Sove a century of persecution, bitter and re-reign Pontiff, said, lentless beyond all former example, and that it would argue the basest degeneracy and apostacy to sacrifice for any of the greatest temporal advantages, one iota of the purity and independence of our faith. We are therefore obliged to suppose, however unwillingly, that though the approbation of his countrymen That there might be persons calling themselves Catholics, willing to admit of this departure from the practice of their church, he did not deny; among all denominations of Christians, there were persons upon whom their princi ples sat loosely enough, and who were 1 liberal enough, as it was called, to | Grattan's system of exclusion of the Pontiff, or to any other incongruous measure which might be brought forward; he said it "agreed in its spirit to every regulation that subsequently might be thought necessary for the general security." The subject has grown to such a length, that I must conclude for the present, requesting a space in the next for another letter.-Wishing your excellent Journal every success, and offering to your readers, my humble congratulalation on the discomfiture of the Board, I subscribe myself, yours truly, HIBERN-ANGLUS. March 23d, 1815. For the Orthodox Journal. agree to any proposition of this sort; but such men were not the organs or depositaries of the Catholic faith, and whatever concessions they might agree to, could not be considered as emanating from the Catholic body." Most of your readers will, I doubt not, acknowledge the justness of those observations, altho' proceeding from a gentleman avowedly hostile to the Concession of the Catholic claims. In the same debate, Mr. Ponsonby, in justifying his own conduct in bringing forward the subject originally, made some severe reflections on the Conduct of the Right Reverend Dr. Milner, by whose authority, he said, he had first introduced it, and who then approved of the measure, but the honourable gentleman distinctly admitted that the proposition stated by Dr. Milner, was very distinct and different from the effectual negative forward with much anxious expectadesired by Lord Grenville and others, tion, and with the fond hope, that the and that even the plan which was Legislature will at length disencumber acknowledged by Dr. M. to be practi- them of those chains that have so long cable, was the spontaneous effusion of and so undeservingly fettered their a sincere mind, without allowing him- vital interests of honour and of freeself time to reflect upon the matter in dom, allow me, Sir, through the meall its bearings, and certainly, as was dium of your Journal, to present to your fully admitted by Mr. Ponsonby, with- readers, this interesting and important out any consultation with, or autho- quære:-"Will the Catholic Emancirity from, the Irish prelates: the con- pation tend to promote the cause of duct of the learned doctor was, how-real and unfeigned piety, and to inever, most ably and successfully vindicated by his Grace the Duke of Norfolk, in the House of Lords. MR. EDITOR,-At a time when the Catholics of Great Britain are looking crease the numbers of true Catholics, or will it only serve to make them more ambitious of worldly honour and I shall beg to close the present con- preferment, and while it may perhaps sideration of this subject, by a single lengthen the list of nominal Catholics, observation on the speech of Lord will it not cool the fervour of the arGrey. His Lordship stated, in allusiondent, by removing those causes of to the letter of Lord Grenville to Lord Fingall," that there was not a word, there was not a sentiment, there was not a principle, contained in that letter, which had not his full and unqualified concurrence." His Lordship is like wise said to have lent the sanction ofhis name to the attempt to strain the 16th resolution of the Irish prelates into a conveyance of consent, either to Lord Grenville's effectual negative, to Mr. restraint which hitherto have acted as March 15, 1815. IGN-R-US. |