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cedents of the Netherlands, in federation of States, with written constitution, deposition of a king, and declaration of independence, our fathers framed an instrument of government under which we were to obtain not merely federal but national unity. England, a Monarchy, was impossible as a model, for ours was a federal union of States, of which England, preeminently the land of kings, knew nothing. Every one of our federal features, including the supremacy of the judiciary, is borrowed, with improvements, from a republic. The predominant English features of a state Church and entail were rejected and the Dutch system of equal division of property among the children of a family came into force.

The American idea has arisen from the faith of our fathers, who were not predominantly. of any one race, strain, or creed. They all stood shoulder to shoulder in their unity of belief, in the threefold differentiation of the powers of government. Behind each of these, in their vision, was God and his righteousness (Isa. 33:12). Yet divine Providence was the true unifier. We achieved true Americanism, not because of, but in spite of, the narrowness of the separate creed of Pilgrim, Puritan, Cavalier, Dutchman, Huguenot, German. Nor has this ideal sprung from any one form of religion-Roman, Reformed, or Hebrew or the limited vision of the followers in each. None of these elements, by itself, could have produced the American ideal. Practical New England, so long boasted of, had no more to do with its creation than did the romantic South. If any region led, it was that of the center, for no nobler ideas ever went into society or government than those of cosmopolitan New Netherland or William Penn's commonwealth. To study the history of the Empire and Keystone commonwealths, whether as

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colonies or States, through their figureheads of magistrates and corporations only, and not in the life of the people-which survived all hostile forces results in caricature and breeds only confusion. The fires under the crucible of God's Providence, the logic of events, and the facts of nature compelled the blending of all local ideals and the fusion of a thousand petty loyalties into one. We should be as grateful for our deliverance from the ignorance and bigotry of our fathers as for our inheritance of their noble qualities and for the high but often narrow vision. It is ours not to follow them in their sectionalism and personal crotchets, but to press forward toward fulfilment of an ideal that combines the best elements in theirs. Not till all rays converge do they reach the burning-point.

Analysis of our national records reveals as components of the American ideal: (1) Faith in God-less in the symbol than in direct vision of the reality (Isa. 33:22); (2) this trust has been shown in a spirit of initiative and perseverance; (3) moral preparedness against evils, known and unknown; (4) deliverance from sectionalism and bigotry; (5) hope of salvation from peculiar besetting sins; (6) "charity to all, malice toward none"; (7) hospitality to (wisely regulated) immigration, barring no race, color, or creed; (8) welcome to, education for, and assimilation of the alien; (9) truth in historiography; (10) faith in representative government; (11) greater love of the simple life and of democratic standards; (12) a constant and vital view and use of truth-not embalmed in tradition, but as applied to national and individual life. truest Americanism, as deduced from the fundamental documents-pioneer, colonial, Revolutionary, and constitutional and enshrined in the lives

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of the best sons and daughters of the nation, is that which subordinates all selfish interests, whether ambition and love of glory, or a desire for comfort

and peace, to the attainment of the highest ideals. To achieve these, the real American will not count his life dear unto him.

THE MINISTRY AND THE NATION

Professor ARTHUR S. HOYT, D.D., Auburn Theological Seminary, N. Y.

THE late Bishop Potter of New York published a book on "Eminent Churchmen" he had known, including such men as Dean Stanley of Westminster, Canon Liddon of St. Paul's, the bishop of London, and Phillips Brooks of this country. The literary critic of the New York Tribune commenting on the book said it was a pity so much literary merit was spent upon men whose lives were entirely aside from the main currents of human interests. That's a very superficial opinion, but it is a common one. Many a college man is kept from the ministry because he thinks it does not offer a large enough place for his life. I give the college man credit for a fine idealism. He has visions. He is willing to renounce the good of the land and live laborious, self-denying days, but he wishes to make his life count for the most, to be of the greatest use, to make some mark on his time, and it is a true ambition.

Bishop Potter's own life is sufficient answer to his critic. He was not only pastor of churches in Troy, Boston, and New York, and finally bishop of one of the most important dioceses of his denomination, but by virtue of his character and position was a force in the higher life of his city and nation. He was the first to point out the larger work of the Y. M. C. A. He was a pioneer in adapting the Church to its changed environment. He taught unflinchingly the social implications of Christian truths. He proclaimed the social duties of the new industrial order. He exposed the

shame of a corrupt public life. He was a citizen bishop. No man did more for the city he loved.

I wish to show that the ministry is a chief force in the higher life of the nation.

I. Let the facts of our history tell their own story. America was thought out and planned in the atmosphere of a Christian Church. Its beginning was the most golden romance outside the Bible. It was a new Book of Genesis. This new world was dedicated to the proposition that Christ's will is the only worthy and wholesome law for a State. The Pilgrim Church created the Pilgrim State, and drew up (in the cabin of the Mayflower) "the first instrument conferring equal civil and religious rights on every member of the commonwealth."

1. What did the ministry do for the early New England colonies? They had the first social place, as we know from the early catalogs of Harvard College. That was a mark of their influence. They were the intellectual leaders of the community. They founded the schools and colleges and largely made the early literature. They spoke out on all social questions, and helped to direct the political life. The political teaching of the colonial pulpits stands out even more clearly than its spiritual. It was a common saying that New England was run by the parsons and their families.

Think how Roger Williams and Rhode Island are one! When Milton was making his great plea for civil

liberty, Roger Williams went far beyond him in his plea for soul liberty. He taught us America's greatest contribution to civilization-a free church in a free State. Or think of Thomas Hooker and Connecticut! The thought of Thomas Hooker is in every line of that constitution which has been the model for all others, and John Fiske calls him the "father of American democracy."

2. With the broadening of the century, the coming of new peoples, the conquest of nature, the develop ment of varied life, other interests besides the Church came to their rightful place. The minister could not keep the same relative position. But who is the chief figure of our second colonial period? There is only one answer next to George Washington.

Jonathan Edwards stands for our eighteenth-century America. He is the one American who intellectually ranks with the few great ones of the race. And we can never estimate his influence on our national life. Edwards was the precursor of a great humanitarian wave of the nineteenth century, exprest in literature and art, in science and political economy, culminating in the sociological movement of our age.

3. And what shall we say of nineteenth-century America! What names come crowding upon the page! Thinkers and poets, statesmen and inventors, soldiers and merchants! Mr. Carnegie has given his list of the twenty greatest names of our English race, and they are nearly all iron-masters! If we could really analyze the forces that make us great, that make for unity and stability and progress, we should never leave out the moral and spiritual. And for the first half of the nineteenth century no man more fully and energetically embodied these than Lyman Beecher. He was about the most live man there was. Even Daniel Webster, his con

temporary, was not more a personal force. And when you think of his influence through his children, the seven sons, all ministers and inheriting the vision and energy of their father, the two daughters-Catherine, the pioneer in the higher education of women, and Harriet Beecher Stowe, our greatest woman novelist— we shall gratefully acknowledge our debt to Lyman Beecher. It was Oliver Wendell Holmes who wittily. remarked that "the race was divided into saints, sinners, and the Beecher family." And certainly the Beecher family was very much in evidence.

4. It is no harder to fix the minister's place in the second half of the nineteenth century. When we think of the great crisis of our national life, we instinctively think of one name. And his fame grows with the years. We can name no other with Lincoln, the "first American." But in that staff around the commander no one wrought more nobly than Henry Ward Beecher. He laid the golden reed of the sanctuary upon every question that came into the realm of morals. In the darkest hour Lincoln sent him to England to interpret the struggle of a free people. Beecher's speeches at Liverpool, Manchester, Birmingham, are our highest examples of inspired oratory. And they saved the day.

Very different but no less noble was the influence of Phillips Brooks. Strictly a preacher, rarely discussing public themes, his splendid manhood and prophetic work were a persuasive force far beyond the confines of the Church, and made him a nation's pride and the best-loved man of his time. How the people felt his loss! That showed what he was worth to the nation. No man was so mourned since Lincoln. At the hour of his funeral business stopt in Boston. The city, the State, sent representatives, besides all the organizations of

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religion. The vast crowd in Trinity Church flowed out for an outdoor service in Copley Square. And then, what never happened before in the history of our American Christianity, thirty-two churches of other denominations were opened for services at the same hour. We sometimes despair of the higher life of the nation, but it is a superficial and false view. The tribute to Phillips Brooks tells us how far the race has come from the day when it crucified its best life "outside the city walls."

5. These are great men, ranking with the highest in any calling. I would not exaggerate. I know the value of under-statement. But the same truth holds of the rank and file of the ministry. They differ greatly in their gifts and their conception of their mission. But their service has to do with the very life of the nation. We could not live without the principles they represent. We could not grow in worth without the ideals they declare.

II. This brief survey of our history has proved the truth of my theme. But it is well to go deeper if we can, and ask-in what way has the ministry contributed to the higher life of the nation?

1. The ministry has made for social unity. They have brought people together under the highest motives for worship and service. The doctrine at least has been that "rich and poor met together, for the Lord. was the maker of them all." The doctrine, at least, has been that in Christ there was neither "Jew nor Greek, bond nor free, male nor female." In a democracy whose weakness is always lack of authority and obedience, in this Western world whose very air and opportunity breed extreme individualism, the ministry by personal influence and teaching has brought people into such vital contact as to make possible the growth of a strong

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Professor ARTHUR S. HOYT, D.D.

the ministry, and they have worked for that unity of thought and spirit that has made possible the expression of a common life.

2. The ministry has made for moral order and growth. The real foes of a nation, as in Tennyson's picture of Arthur's realm, are within and not on the border-they are the evil passions of men that demand freedom tho others are enslaved and society is disintegrated. How should personal vengeance yield to law? How should men learn to secure redress for wrong by orderly method of the State? How should the duel, that vestige of barbarianism, be finally driven from society? It was young Lyman Beecher who so spoke as to move the conscience of the people and make the duel a hated thing. It was

the same sturdy conscience and brave voice that first spoke out against the evils of strong drink, and began that process of education and legislation for temperance, perhaps the most important social reform. It was Dr. Channing that first pointed out the relation between intemperance and industrial and home conditions and gave the temperance reform its larger vision. The ministry stand for the law of self-control, the principle of the denial of self for the social good. It has come to be an axiom with us that a strong nation must be a sober nation.

And the ministry had to do with the removal of a social wrong-eating at the very heart of the Republic. A democracy based on the doctrine of freedom and equality before the law -yet holding men as chattels! As Lincoln said, this country could not long remain half slave and half free; the struggle was inevitable. churches condemned slavery at first. But it became so interwoven with society and prosperity that even good men were blinded and apologized for evil. "Many there were who made great haste and sold unto the cunning enemy their swords." But there were enough prophetic men in our pulpits, men like Channing and Bushnell and Beecher, to hold God's plumb-line against our social institutions and convince the nation of its sin. And so at last the thousands were ready to die to make men free because Christ died to make men holy.

3. The ministry has made for an intelligent citizenship. It is the doctrine of the Republic that every child is to be educated because a potential citizen. Every child has this dignity because of the worth and sacredness as a child of God. Our schools and colleges began in religion. The ministers were largely the founders and the teachers. All the early colleges were founded for Christ and the

Church. And when the people pushed westward it was the minister that followed them and placed the school beside the Church. It was Lyman Beecher who saw the Mississippi valley teeming with its millions, and called for men and money to lay broad foundations in education and religion as the highest patriotism. His "plea for the west," a trumpet-call of home missions, planted at least twenty colleges in the Central West.

Tho our education has passed largely beyond church control, it still remains true that the teaching and influence of our ministry everywhere support the schools of the people and awaken in our youth the desire for higher training.

4. And then again, the ministry has made for a spiritual conception of national life. It was religion that gave us our national life. Our fathers had never revolted save for the great religious awakening that just pre

ceded the Revolution.

ceded the Revolution. We know today that the Boston Port Bill was not sufficient cause for a revolt. Society and business did not want it. But it was the inevitable step of the awakened democracy, the common man asserting his right because he had found his soul.

And at the later time when the question was whether this nation was a mere compact of States, to be broken at will, or a life that was to be inviolate, it was religion that gave the worthy conception of the State and nerved the arm to maintain it. Dr. Mulford's work, The Nation, gave our statesmen the true political philosophy and voiced the impulse of marching thousands. Young Phillips Brooks, in an atmosphere of timid conservatism, of secret sympathy with the South as a slave-holding aristocracy, and one fearful lest the pulpit should be polluted by the least touch of politics, made his sermon fairly aflame with loyalty, with righteous

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