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scorn of those who were laying wicked hands upon the very ark of God.

What was the nation? It was the highest expression of the corporate life of the people, and an organ of the kingdom of God. It was organic, and what God had joined man had no right to put asunder. And it was religious, to carry out God's purpose of good for all men. It found its wealth not in houses and lands, in factories and railways, but (in the words of Ruskin) "in as many as possible fullbreathed, happy-hearted human creatures." It is the popular expression of the democracy of Christ.

I am sure that I have not over-emphasized the influence of the ministry in our national life. Great statesmen often recognize the value of spiritual leaders. "We politicians," said Mr. Lloyd George the other day, of the present British Government, "only touch the fringes of life, but the ministry deal with the real problems of life, death, and the hereafter." The ministry are dealing with spiritual forces, often unseen and unmeasured. And we are often dazzled by the men who live in the eye of the world. But long after the world's captains, with their guns and drums, are silent, will the quiet, unselfish men who have taught the truths of character and social conduct be regarded as the nation's real benefactors.

III. And now what of the present? I am sure that we all feel that we are on the threshold of a new day. Mr. Elihu Root voiced the thoughts of many hearts when he said a year ago at the opening of Hamilton College that we could not understand the full meaning of the forces now contending, but he felt sure the world would be very different after it. And he urged the young men to a life of purpose and reverence and ideality that they might take their part in the work of the new age. The very air is tremulous with expectancy. It is prophetic

of a new world. And there never was a greater need or a greater opportunity for a noble ministry in the life of the nation.

1. The ministry must teach the true standards of individual worth. We put the dollar-mark upon too many things. Let us confess it! Commercialism threatens the fineness of our manhood. Our novels tell it, and our streets, our pleasures, and our politics. There are thousands of people who would be awfully unhappy without their summer places, their country clubs, and their automobiles. Life does consist in the abundance of things they possess.

"The world is too much with us, Getting and spending we lay waste our powers."

This makes the choice of the ministry so hard for many a young man. In the face of the great opportunities for wealth and the lavish use of it, for a young man to enter the ministry with its promise of self-denial "requires more courage," says the Wali Street Journal, "than to charge the breastworks of Manchuria." The truths of purity and simplicity, of self-denial and service, must be taught as the essential elements of worthy manhood. Our national life depends upon them. Without them we are doomed.

2. How can we maintain our democracy without the work of the ministry? There are some strong undemocratic, antisocial forces in our Republic. There are deep gulfs between classes. Masses of people dwell among us but are not of us, not treated as brothers, not feeling a part of our life. The natural forces of the land and the force of its laws are used for the gain of a powerful and privileged few, and not for the good of the people. Our industries often think more of dividends than of a fair and wholesome society. An invisible government sometimes defeats the will

of the people. Even our constitution. is interpreted as a bar to social progress. We have the group mind more often than the thought of the whole. Where is the power to change our heart and open our eyes to the worth of the common man and give us faith in his right and ability to direct the State? Where can we get this power save in the truths of Christ that found and developed the individual and gave the impulse and hope of democracy! And the men who preach the full gospel of Christ are the great teachers and preservers of government of the people and by the people and for the people.

Oh! I know there are ministers who think their work is only personal regeneration and that they have nothing to do with civil liberty and social reconstruction; but to such men the prophets are closed books and the greatest preachers of the ages have no word.

3. And then, finally, how the ministry is needed to-day to inspire noble patriotism! We hear very much today about preparedness. The press and platform resound with the word. Societies are organized and women and children are asked to take their part. And this is right. We are no nation unless we are prepared to defend ourselves against the forces of barbarism that everywhere lie close to our civilization, and unless we are ready to do our part in enforcing the peace that shall come after war.

But there is a more vital preparation than parties and societies are talking about. It is in the education that shall fit every child for its place in our national life, in the development and use of our resources for the common good, in maintaining a just and free and so a loyal society.

If we have true preparedness, we must have a higher spirit than socalled patriotism. In January this year the Rev. Wm. Temple, of St. James's Church, Piccadilly, London, son of the former master of Rugby and archbishop of Canterbury, made a notable address on "The Spiritual Call of the War." He said the issue of the war was between nationalism, that owned no law save its own interests, and something higher. The reality higher than the nation was the kingdom of God. Our supreme need is the New Jerusalem coming down out of heaven. This is the higher patriotism. In the vision of future society that St. John gives us, the test is the golden reed laid on its life: "According to the measure of a man -that is, an angel." Christ gives us the ideal for the individual and for society, and building after this pattern in the mount shall we be a nation that shall bless the earth.

This is the work of the Christian ministry in our day. This is work big enough for a man. Here the largest life may have the fullest use.

In that beautiful vision of the young prophet Zechariah, of a city. without walls, by reason of the multitude of men-and because God is a wall of fire round about and the glory in the midst of her-he hears the angel say (no doubt referring to his own work for the future of his nation)— "Go speak to that young man!" And that is what the angel of God says. to-day to the young men of our colleges in the face of national need: "Go speak to that young man!" The ministry must have a part as never before in the life of the nation, if we are to be kept true to the ideal of Christian democracy and the worldwide ministry of good.


President NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER, Ph.D., LL.D., Columbia University, New York City

IT is just about twenty years ago since George Meredith, writing to The London Daily News, said that since the benignant outcome of the greatest of civil wars he had come to look upon the American people as the leaders in civilization. That is a proud and ennobling judgment, and we may well search our minds and our hearts to ascertain whether it be true, and whether we are competent for the high honor that so distinguished an observer of his kind proffered to us as his personal judgment.

The question which I ask in your presence this afternoon is this: Have we an American nation? If so, is that nation conscious of a unity of purpose and of ideals? If so, what is to be the policy of that nation in the immediate future?

It must not be forgotten that nations are comparatively new in human. history. There were no nations in the ancient world. Men were grouped in empires, in races, as followers of a religion, as clansmen owing allegiance to a chief, but not in nations as we use the word. There were no nations until the dream of a universal political empire had passed away, until the stately magnificence of Rome. had broken into a hundred fragments. It was then and only then that a new organizing force made itself felt in the thoughts and deeds of men.

This new consciousness of unity was in part the outgrowth of unity of race. origin, in part the outgrowth of unity of language, in part the outgrowth. of unity of institutional life, in part the outgrowth of unity of military and religious tradition. It seized hold of the minds of men in most practical

fashion. The result is that from the time of the death of Charlemagne to the time of the present German Emperor the history of the world is the history of nation-building and of the A by-products of nation-building. nation is scientifically defined as a population of an ethnic unity inhabiting a geographic unity under a common form of government. The exceptions are quite numerous enough to prove the rule.

As the centuries have followed one another it is not difficult to see how the several nations have endeavored to possess themselves of territory that is a geographic unit. They have sought natural boundaries, whether of high mountains, or of broad rivers, or of the sea itself. One war after another is to be explained in terms of a nation's definite purpose to possess itself of a geographic unity as its home. There has been by no means equal care taken by the nations to establish and to protect an ethnic unity. A strong people has usually felt confident that it could hold an alien element in subjection and yet preserve national integrity and unity of spirit. So one after another of the greater nations of the world has, in seeking for geographic unity, insisted on incorporating in its own body politic alien and often discordant elements. and holding them in stern subjection. The examples are too familiar to be recited here.

This process of nation-building has gone on until the nation has come to be conceived as an end in itself, as superior to law, to the conventions of morality, and to the precepts of religion. A form of patriotism has been developed all over the world

1 Address before members of the Associated Press, April 25, 1915.

which finds in the nation itself the highest human end. The logical result, and indeed the almost necessary result, of this type of thinking is the war which is now creeping over the world's civilization and destroying it with the sure pitilessness of an Alpine glacier.

This war is the nemesis of nationbuilding conceived as an end in itself. Unless a nation, like an individual, have some purpose, some ideal, some motive which lies outside of and beyond self-interest and self-aggrandizement, war must continue on the face of this earth until the day when the last and strongest man, superb in his mighty loneliness, shall look out from a rock in the Caribbean upon a world that has been depopulated in its pursuit of a false ideal, and be left to die alone with none to mourn or to bury him.

In the history of nations the story of our America has a place that is all its own.

The American nation came into being in response to a clear and definite purpose. A theory of human life and of human government was conceived and put into execution on a remote and inaccessible part of the earth's surface. The moving cause of the American nation was the aspiration for civil and political liberty and for individual freedom which was already stirring in the minds of western Europe in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. This aspiration gained in force as the art of printing multiplied books and as the periodical press came into existence. The highminded, the courageous, the venturesome, were drawn across the wide ocean toward the west, carrying with them for the most part the liberal ideas and the advanced thought that were steadily increasing their hold upon the people of Western Europe. Great Britain, Holland, France, were responding in steadily increasing measure to the same ideals that led

the Puritan to Massachusetts Bay and the Cavalier to Virginia.

On this Atlantic shore distances were great and communication difficult. In addition there were social, economic, and religious differences that kept the struggling colonists apart. The result was that there grew up here not a nation, but the material out of which a nation could be made. There is a sense, a deep and striking sense, in which the same remains absolutely true to-day. There is not yet a nation but the rich and fine materials out of which a true nation can be made by the architect with vision to plan and by the builder with skill adequate to execute.

When a common oppression forced the separate colonists together they still sadly lacked that devotion to a unity higher than any of its component parts which would have saved so much loss and so much suffering during the days of revolution and of the first steps toward a national government. An enormous step forward was taken when the national government was built. In the adoption of the constitution of the United States, the corner-stone was laid for one of the most splendid structures in all the history of nations. Then quickly followed sharp political divergence. There were those who would lay stress upon the new national unity; there were still more who thought it important to emphasize the separate elements out of which that unity had been composed. The judicial logic of Marshall and the convincing eloquence of Webster were the chief unifying and nation-building forces in the generation that followed. Meanwhile, sharp differences of economic interest were manifesting themselves, and the fatal question of slavery prest forward both as an economic and as a political issue. The new nation, which had already made such progress upon the foundations laid by

the fathers, fell apart, and only after one of the most terrible and destructive of civil wars were the ruins of the disaster cleared away and the ground prepared for the next step in construction. Here again mistakes were made so numerous and so severe that the unifying and nation-building process was checked and held back for many years.

Then two new sets of separating and disintegrating forces began to make themselves strongly felt. First, the economic differences which must of necessity manifest themselves over so large and so diverse a territory now revealed themselves with new forcein part as a result of the industrial revolution and in part as a result of purely American conditions-as involving a class conflict between capital and labor. Soon there were signs. that citizenship, with its compelling allegiance to the common weal, was to be subordinated in discouraging fashion, not once but often, to the immediate interests and policies of an economic class.

Secondly, the immigration from other countries, which had been for a long time substantially homogeneous, became increasingly and rapidly heterogeneous. New nationalities, new languages, new racial affinities were drawn upon for the recruitment of the population of the United States. The hopes and the ambitions which 100 and 200 years before had been the peculiar property of the people of Western Europe had now spread far away to the East and to the South. With this heterogeneous immigration there came, in no inconsiderable measure, the echo of the Old World animosities and feuds and hates. These did not manifest themselves in any direct sense as anti-American, but they did manifest themselves with sufficient strength to deprive America of a unity of attitude, of feeling, and of policy in dealing with the interna

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to unity at home. The grave problem before the American people to-day is that of completing the process of nation-building. It is the problem of setting our house in order. It is the problem of integrating America. It is the problem of subordinating every personal ambition, every class interest and policy, every race attachment, to the one dominant idea of an America free, just, powerful, forward-facing, that shall stand out in the history of nations as the name of a people who conceive their mission and their true. greatness to lie in service to mankind. We are the inheritors of a great tradi

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