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Lieutenant P. Hyacinthe Loyson, the son of the famous Père Hyacinthe and his American wife. In the days before the war, Lieutenant Loyson was prominent as a socialist and pacifist. A gifted writer, he edited the radical journal, Les Droits de l'Homme, was in close touch with the democratic movement throughout Europe, and in 1912 founded an entente between French and German intellectuals. He had learned his pacifism from his friend, Frédéric Passy, the founder of the French League for Promoting International Peace by Arbitration. He now remembered the same friend's warning that the time would come when France must be defended by the blood of her sons, and joined his friend's son, Paul Passy, the Christian socialist, who contended that it is a socialist's first duty to smash militarism, and then to extend a hand to the proletariate that has been duped by it. When Romain Rolland wrote his astounding book, Above the Battle, Lieutenant Loyson replied with his book, Are You Neutral in the Face of Crime? in which he showed that he had taken up the sword not as a recalcitrant pacifist but as one who believes more deeply than ever in the principles of international right and law which have been outraged. The French Foreign Office has signalized its confidence in him by permitting him to devote his energies to propaganda on behalf of the Allies, giving him an entirely free hand as to means and methods. He stands to-day in the forefront of a group of French Christian patriots who are determined to fight Prussian militarism to the death and to accept no patched-up peace, but who believe no less in the brotherhood of man and the solidarity of the nations.

Seen "From the Human End" Once more the brilliant and penetrative editor of the Hibbert Journal, Dr. L. P. Jacks, has flung out his challenge to our mad civilization and our madder philosophies. He has published a volume of essays entitled From the Human End, a title which hits off his message to a nicety. Dr. Jacks's philosophy is simply the art of seeing things from the human end, and his sane and bracing humanism makes short work of the tyrannous superstitions which have been forced upon us in the magic name of "science." He distrusts mere brains,

which, he contends, may be the fool's organ, no less than the rogue's, and goes to prove that intelligence and brains are by no means the same thing, and that one of the greatest errors of our time an error largely responsible for the present war-is that we have treated them as if they were the same. Again, Dr. Jacks does not believe that any man or 'nation should be the keeper of other men or nations. No one is his brother's keeper in that sense, and liberty is nothing else but the right to keep oneself. Evil, he maintains, has an extraordinary way of organizing itself. Hell believes itself to be a model state and all the devils are great patriots and moralists. He gives short

shrift to the modern fiction that the state is essentially wiser and better than its members, and reminds us that state morality has been known to turn a good man into a devil and a brute. He also traces both militarism and industrialism to their common sourcethe cult of mechanism. A nation need not be militarist in order to be a peril; it need only be industrialist and mammonworshiping.

A Word to Would-be Reformers We are all agreed in these days that it behooves us to do what we can toward bringing in that new world which our prophets and dreamers see arising out of the ashes of the old. We speak of reconstruction after the war, and of reforms which, impossible before this our baptism of fire, now need only wise and brave initiative to make them a matter of fact. It is, however, precisely that leadership and initiative which may either fail us or prove to be inadequate to the time's demands. We like to speak of "wise" leadership, when what we really mean is feeble and timid leadership, and for one cause that is lost through temerity ten are lost through mistaken caution. A writer in the Commonwealth gives three useful and much-needed maxims for reformers, of which the third ought to stand first. It runs as follows: "A reformer who is content to 'educate public opinion' will never get things done." Here is the weak point of many excellent leaders and committees. Public opinion has, of course, to be educated; but speaking broadly, its most effective education should take place after the reform in which it is to be educated has become an accomplished

fact. To wait for the education of public opinion is to strike your reform off your program. This is where our regard for democracy often leads us wrong. We are not saved by democracies, but by the aristocracies, which are their salt. Leaders are given us to lead, and not to wait until the last man has caught them up. To refuse to lead until one has the whole crowd with him is a species of stupidity which seems peculiar to the advocates of moral and spiritual reforms, and it has kept the Church of Christ lagging in the march of progress when it ought to have been in the vanguard. The message of the prophets, the evangel of the Christ, all great spiritual crusades, have had to be preached, and will still have to be preached, in the teeth of public opinion.

Cromwell and the Labor Movement

Most Christian people are still too apt to identify the labor movement with irreligion, and even those who are more or less in sympathy with its aspirations, but know it only from the outside, fail to realize how many and intimate are the connections of the British labor movement with religion and how largely it is the true descendant of the old Puritan spirit. In an instructive article in the Round Table, the differences in this respect between the British and the Continental labor movements are expounded, and it is shown that the leaders of the British movement have almost all been moralistsi.e., men concerned for human nature and the uplifting of it, rather than for the promotion of outward forms of equality. Like their earliest predecessor, John Ball, they have been prophets and teachers rather than economists. The contact of the British labor movement with non-conformity makes it very difficult for the foreigner to understand it, for non-conformity is the most difficult thing to explain to the Continental mind. "In its hatred of oppression and injustice," concludes our writer, "in its unexpected outbursts of sentiment; in its tenacity and grit and patience; in the power of self-deception which its enemies like to call cant; above all, in its native manliness and its healthy and never-failing idealism, the spirit of the seventeenth century is still alive among us." This is not news, but we need the reminder at this juncture. To-day not only the democracies but the aristocracies of the world are groping their way back

to the great spiritual convictions and ideals which made the name of Oliver Cromwell glorious; and wonderful things await a church that can discern the signs of the times and take the tide at its flood. Alienated from the Church as an external organization, men are once more approximating to it in spirit, and especially of Church and labor is it true that the time is ripe for a rapprochement which shall not be dictated by merely utilitarian considerations, but be the result of obedience to the leading of that Spirit.

What Soldiering Does for Preachers

A writer in the Welsh Outlook records a conversation with a venerable Welsh deacon who is of opinion that the formation of a battalion of Welsh ministers will do great things for the religious life of Wales; will, in fact, help to create a new Wales. He emphasizes three points. First, soldiering is teaching these ministers the meaning and value of obedience, faith, and patience, and so giving them that bracing discipline which their ordinary life lacks. Then it is forcing them to fraternize, and that in a very real sense, and to realize the brotherhood of men and the sisterhood of churches. Again, they are given the inestimable privilege of living cheek by jowl with the men who are undergoing a great transformation. When these men will come home, they will see things as citizens of the world, while those who stayed at home have remained simple Welshmen. They will, to quote one of the bishops, take the churches by the throat and say, "We want something better than this." And it is the preachers who have been in the trenches with them that will understand their demand, and be in the best position to meet it. "These thousand or so of young ministers," concludes the deacon, "will come back and make a new Wales. Drill in field and camp will put spring into their stiff joints and fresh air into their stuffed minds. They will not easily write sermons again in window-shut, dust-thick, tobacco-sodden studies." Brave words, but it seems tragic none the less that it should need blood and tears to widen and ventilate minds that should be open to all the winds of God's Spirit. Well says Maeterlinck, “Had your eyes been open, might you not have beheld in a kiss that which to-day you perceive in a catastrophe?"

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THE picture in this word, when we get back to its root meaning, is that of a man delivering a blow with the fist. The man may be acting offensively or defensively, but the act itself is that original native use of the fist Strike as a weapon.

When, therefore, we read that certain groups of our fellow citizens are "on a strike," we may understand that they have departed from the right, moral, civil relations of men to that original, brute condition where the strike, or blow, is the only resort. Both parties, capital and labor, have gone behind their legal and moral relations into the realm of force, where the only question is, which party can endure the longer. Like two animals fighting, each tries to hurt the other in every way possible, in order the more speedily to break down his power of resistance. The greater staying power always wins. Is not the mere existence of a strike a disgrace to our social order? When two congressmen come to blows, or strikes, on the floor of the House the whole nation feels the shame of it. "Then you and I and all fall down." When two reputable citizens fight on the street the entire community considers itself disgraced. Precisely so, when two groups of men, whose right relations are cooperation, mutual trust, confront each other in the primal, savage instinct to break down each other's power of resistance by every possible device of force, often not stopping even at murder, the inherent weakness of our social organism is suddenly disclosed. We see then how thin and meager are the restraints of law.

When we read that several thousand workers have gone out on strike, we must force home upon our dull consciences the question: Is it possible that so large a group of our fellow citizens are working on such terms, under such conditions, that they are driven to desperation, and must fall back upon the original animal instinct to strike? They say in effect, your social order, your legal enactments, your moral sanctions, have failed to give us justice, now take that! and they deliver what is equivalent to a smashing blow of the fist. This is a serious lapse toward barbarism, toward animalhood. We must insist by the entire weight of citizenship that our community work, our national work, shall be done without this hideous possibility of fight forever looming in the background.

Justice is never remote or difficult of access when men are sincere and in earnest. It must be that the millions of the nation's workers who feel compelled to go to their daily toil armed with this weapon of a possible strike have a cause, a great and formidable cause. One man with a deep sense of outraged justice will "chase a thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight." Does it not behoove every thoughtful man and woman to take seriously to heart this fundamental question: on what terms shall our national work be done? If the matters in dispute between capital and labor are to be settled by arbitration, then we must see to it that legal enactments to that end shall be so simple and efficient that the laboring man shall feel that his rights are amply guaranteed, so that he will no more think of striking to secure his labor rights than he thinks of fighting to maintain his personal rights.

We must likewise keep open mind and heart toward the growing demand of laboring men for a larger share in the fruits of their toil. Just here the question of justice is up. A group of men, capitalists and working men together, produce a given product. How shall that product be equitably divided? The problem of production is solved. Now we are confronted by the problem of distribution. Here and now must Christian altruism take its stand. Here, precisely, must the great spirit of justice step in between capital and labor with an even balance. Unless a wise and true settlement is secured at this point we may as well stop saying "Father" to God and "brother" to man.

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PRESIDENT CLEVELAND'S saying, "Public office is a public trust," is acknowledged with a bow to the theory even by those who in practise treat it with neglect. It is a sacred trust for the public welfare in the How Should I enforcement of law, order, and human rights. Equally Vote? sacred is the trust of choosing these official trustees which is undertaken by each individual voter. In private affairs trustees generally realize their responsibility for diligent and scrupulous discharge of their trust. The careless and faithless feel the teeth of guardian laws. The guardianship of an inward law is needed by every citizen who would vote as he should. He should be conscious of his responsibility as a trustee for the common good, for the benefit of every other citizen as well as his own. The ballot box tests Christian citizenship by every voter's fidelity or falsity to the first social commandment, "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." To vote conscientiously is a prime requisite in order to secure a righteous commonwealth.

Righteousness and genuine patriotism are inseparable. "America first" is now, as never before, and with good reason, too, the orator's rallying cry. It is well, if wisely and conscientiously heeded. Here also the great social commandment demands obedience. America must be first, but not for herself alone. "No man liveth to himself." He can not. Neither can any nation. National prosperity is bound up with international. Every American has shared in the world-wide loss caused by the ruinous heresy that the State is not subject to the moral laws that bind the individual. America ought to be first in promoting the international welfare that is secured by international righteousness. Who shall lead her most efficiently in this world-wide service is the chief issue now before Americans. It must be met patriotically, unfettered by any private individual interest.

It must also be met religiously, and therefore unselfishly. A moral issue being involved in every one that is political, it is folly to fancy that politics and religion can dwell in air-tight, separate compartments-that a man who prays religiously may vote unreligiously. His prayer, "Thy will be done," pledges him to fear God and take his part in getting it done. It binds him as God's trustee to promote the doing of his will by voting on God's side with a will to further righteousness in his village, city, State, and Union of States by a riddance of the graft and vice, the lawlessness, injustice, and misgovernment which taint our national and municipal life, bring reproach upon the churches, and put America behind some other nations in certain grave particulars. One way of furthering righteousness is to study now the important questions and principles involved in the coming election and vote as you pray. This last is a foremost criterion of Christian citizenship.

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