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I have found that wandering in the woods, going off in a boat alone, lying half buried in the sand, and, above all, sitting and singing and thinking in the firelight under the stars, are favorite occupations of young peoIle whom I supposed never to have a thoughtful moment. Especially are Boy Scouts fond of having a soft bugle call as the camp-fire burns low, of singing such hymns as "Now the day is over" and "Abide with me," and going in almost reverential silence to bed.

Most of all have I been imprest with that good fellowship, spirit of fraternity, and unselfish desire to help that are the very essence of religion, in a camp of boys. After watching a hitherto unrelated group bearing each other's burdens and so fulfilling the law of Christ I have come to the conviction that such a week is the one precious spiritual opportunity of the year.

I can not but think that in the home, and for old as well as young, a free, serviceful life out-of-doors is the nearest approach we have to the itinerant Galilean life of the Carpenter and his friends, both in opportunity for discipleship to the flowers and the birds and in service of each other.

July 16-22-Eternity in the Heart

(Eccl. 3:11)

Our readers are referred to a sermon on this topic by the Rev. Harold E. Brierley, on page 61.

July 23-29-The Test of Religious Institutions

(Mark 2:27)

In the passage cited Christ corrects the error of mistaking for ends what are only means. This is made clear in the fuller parallel passage, Matt. 12:1-8, where not only the Sabbath but Tabernacle and Temple ordinances and usages come under review. There Jesus cites Hosea 6:6: "I desire mercy, and not sacrifice." This introduces the criterion by which to judge-does the ordinance, the usage, the celebration, the

institution, contribute to man's highest welfare? If the Sabbath is made a hindrance to man's best interest, let it be-not abolished, but put to its rightful use. Is prayer an ordinance in itself, an ostentation (Luke 18:11-12), restore it to its rightful function. Is baptism exalted into a greatest common divisor, important in its mode and not because of its function, reconstruct the ideas about it. Is the Lord's Supper a thing of such sanctity as to frighten people from intimate and loving converse with their God and Lord, correct the conception of it.

We need often to recall the principle underlying the Master's pronouncement. It becomes so easy to speak of "maintaining the Church," as if the Church itself were the important thing and not the work the Church does. We hear it said frequently, "We must keep up the prayer-meeting," forgetting that it is what it is because it is not functioning properly. We may bespeak loyalty without remembering that lack of loyalty follows hard upon loss of the qualities which evoke loyalty. Can citizens take pride in a government that fails to provide the conditions under which a safe and sane life is the natural consequence? The effective appeal Booker Washington could make for Tuskegee was: "It is accomplishing something; it is enabling the colored man to become a self-respecting citizen, a valuable asset to the country." The Red Cross movement wins support because it "does things" that need to be done. A settlement establishment is worth while only if it is a benefit, an uplift, to the neighborhood-in other words, if it renders the right kind of service. A Sunday-school class is justified only as its members are "built-up"; a church only as it affects for good the interests of the community. For the accomplishment of this end each member and every member has a responsibility which can not be evaded.

The test of the Church's worth, of the worth of every institution, religious, social, and political, is does it actually serve? does it make good? In the last analysis the question is a deeply personal one. What as individuals are we doing to conserve and advance the religious institutions that are benefiting mankind?


FEW tasks are harder than a complete change of base in our thinking. We adjust ourselves by degrees to new modes of thought. Often the process is so gradual that we are hardly aware of it. We come to consciousness in the new order very much as in a trip South. We wake and sleep and read and study the landscape, and, after a time, discover that we are in a warmer climate. On this subject, however, certain fundamental changes seem to be demanded of us at once. We must dismiss from our mind the idea of a criminal class. A study of the population of penal institutions discloses just about the same mixture of "all sorts and conditions of men" as you find in free life. From the gunman in the slum to the statesman in Congress, all of the ranks of life are represented. This fundamental admission that criminals are simply our fellow beings gone wrong will change the entire current of our thinking on this somewhat confused subject of criminology.

Another fact must be planted in the foreground of our thought: the extreme youth of those who annually come under the penalty of the law. The average age of convicted criminals is about twenty-three years. A large percentage of them are mere boys. Nothing is more startling and pathetic than to go through a penitentiary and note the extreme youth of most of the inmates. One can hardly repress the exclamation, "Poor foolish boys!" All sense of condemnation vanishes in the presence of their pitiful, broken youth. The unregulated impulses natural to their years, ignorance, lack of judgment, the ordinary folly and rashness of youth, will account for a large percentage of the acts pronounced criminal by our


longer workable. Good and bad conduct carry their own results with them. The law is inexorable, unassailable. More or less punishment must inevitably attend the act of the State when it takes a criminal out of free society and self-determination into a life of confinement and externally applied law. So much of punishment, which is a heavy count, is unavoidable, for society must be protected from the lawless. When, however, the State has its criminal withdrawn from society, its whole aim must be focused upon his reclamation and his restoration to a right place in life. This basic change in theory demands an equally fundamental change in all our methods of prison and reformatory discipline. The controlling purpose must be, not to exact a given amount of penalty which a court has deemed appropriate to the crime, but to seek that central point in the nature of the criminal where lie the sources of human goodness. The world has made much woful history just here, since Jesus said: "Neither do I condemn thee; go and sin no more"; and with his dying breath, to the thief at his side, "This day shalt thou be with me in paradise." We must convince ourselves of, and insist that our legal enactments shall recognize, not the total wreckage of the soul, but its salvableness. While the physician recognizes the amount of disease in the patient, he bases his hope upon the still unwasted resources of health. So we are coming to understand that every sane man has within him still unwasted resources of moral health. We must not allow our physical therapeutics to be wiser than our moral.

We must also learn to leave a larger margin in our judgment of criminals for purely accidental circumstances. A moment of violent anger or passion, a sudden overpowering temptation, a combination of cruel or exasperating conditions, have wrecked many a life where there was not a trace of criminal intent. One poor boy, on his way to the death-chair, said with sobs: "I did not do it. It was the drink. I could die happy if I knew there would never another drop of

Perhaps the most difficult change of base for all of us is to substitute reclamation for punishment. Our legal, theological, and social concepts are all rooted in the idea of penalty. The entire theory of reward and Dunishment has undergone so radical a hange within the last twenty-five years that we may safely say the earlier theory is no

liquor be sold in the world." With that great redemptive thought in his heart, that boy should not have been put to death. Just there was the foundation of the most exalted citizenship.

Again we must bear constantly in mind that the same régime of discipline is not suited, can not be adapted to all temperaments. Restricted freedom, enforced labor may be precisely the best routine for some

men. It would be maddening and destructive to others. The personal equation imperatively demands consideration.

Above all, love must be ever present with its quick discernment, its patience, its tenderness. If a body is hurt or broken, how quickly we rush to the rescue; but how often we stand aloof and look on with comparative coldness when a brother's soul is torn and

bleeding and about to die. JAMES H. ECOB.


E. STAGE WHITIN, Ph.D., New York City

July 2-Conditions in Prisons and Jails

THE old prison system was based on the theory that punishment fit the crime, without regard to the individual who commits the crime. Solitary confinement in iron cells, inferior and insufficient food, the lock-step, the shaven head, the strait-jacket, the lash, and the dungeon have been devised to repress evil in the man. The reverse has been effected. The good in the man has been crusht, the evil intensified by resentment at the injustice of society.

Prisoners, guards, wardens, society—none have escaped the degrading influence.

"I did not go to the Protectory for stealing," stated James Dale, at the meeting of the Mutual Welfare League in Carnegie Hall, on the evening of Feb. 13, 1916, "but in the Protectory I learned how to steal, and where to steal, and when I got out I did steal.

"I was not sixteen when, for stealing, I went to Elmira. I went three times before I got enough. Each time I came home feeling that the world owed me a living, and it was for me to collect it."

"Say, Tom, I can tell you one thing," a prisoner remarked to Thomas Mott Osborne shortly after the organization of the Mutual Welfare League in Auburn Prison, "the State of New York has never made anything out of me."

"How did you manage it?" Mr. Osborne asked.

"Well," he said, "I soldiered all I could, and then I destroyed all the work I could get hold of." 1

Three men had been in Blackwell's Island "cooler" for days. Black, dirty, and cold,

1 Thomas Mott Osborne-"Prison Efficiency," reprinted from the Efficiency Society Journal, Nov., 1915.

infested with vermin, bare of all furniture,

with only the stone floor for a bed, the "cooler" was supposedly a place in which to meditate upon one's sins. One gill of water and a piece of bread constituted the ration each twenty-four hours. The men, when not cursing the guards, did meditate on food, calling to each other how good ham and eggs or beefsteak would taste.

"Ye gods," shrieked one man after such a talk, "I'd murder a man for a piece of bread; and don't forget it, I'll make 'em pay for all this; I'll get square yet, believe me!"

Charlie was first convicted and sent to Elmira Reformatory as the result of an accident. He felt "not guilty," was hard and rebellious, always in trouble and subjected to every punishment inflicted in Elmira. He grew to hate the man who punished him, and determined to kill him when he got out. He got out, and killed his man. The evidence being weak, he was induced to plead guilty to third degree manslaughter, and was sentenced to ten years in Sing Sing.

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In prison he became an expert burglar, and soon after his release from Sing Sing served another term for burglary. While serving this sentence, he was talking over his life with a fellow prisoner one day, and told how and why he killed the man. Say, Charlie, are you sorry you did it?" "No," snapt Charlie, "you bet I'm not. I used to be, but when you've been in jail as long as I have, you'll find you're not sorry for anything."

Jails and prisons-all are degrading and vile. The padded cell of the central police station in Pennsylvania was photographed recently by flashlights. The photographs reveal a black solitary encased with pads blood-stained and reeking with filth of re

cent occupants, depicting vividly the struggles which had waged therein. Thus the pest-hole is made vivid. The central police station of a city in Wisconsin contains a low, dark room filled with a series of iron cages. The men's row backs up on the women's row, the dim light by day and the dimness of the gas-burner by night affording the only attempt at the protection modesty might demand. The trickling stream running through a groove in the stone pavement carries the waste on through the adjoining cells to the trap at the utmost end.

Hotbeds of crime could not have been more successfully planned and carefully cultivated had the aim of our civilization been to develop evil out of good and to make evil triumphant.

The old prison system has a deteriorating effect upon prison guards and wardens. Frederick E. Dormer, the principal keeper of Sing Sing prison, was for twenty-three years a guard under the old system. He thus characterizes the effect on the guard:

"The officer's nose was always to the grindstone: if he did not report a prisoner he would be reported himself, and at the end of the day he was not human if he was not nervous and a grouch. I had little faith in the new system at first, but I have gradually come to see it helps the officers as well as the men."

The old system is disastrous to society. Sixteen thousand prisoners are released each year in the United States. Coming out diseased, revengeful, and incompetent to earn an honest living, they drift back into crime, corrupt their associates, and more often than not return to prison, a continued burden upon the taxpayer.

The old prison system, like the pest-house, the madhouse where they tried to beat the devil out of the insane, the burning of witches, and hanging of thieves, must go. Our fathers considered these inevitable: we have learned to do without them. We shall learn to do without repression in the prison, the torture and the slavery which characterize it to-day.

July 9-Prison Labor

The economic is the phase which characterizes the reforms of to-day. Penal reform, tho a laggard, is just now coming abreast. There is search for its economic interpretation. The meaning of the movement stands

out clear and is aimed against the exploitation of the convict for the profit of the individual, the State, or the political party.

The State has a property right in the labor of the prisoner. The thirteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States provides that neither slavery nor invcluntary servitude shall exist, yet by inference allows its continuance as punishment for crime, after due process of law. This property right the State may lease or retain for its own use, the manner being set forth in State constitutions and acts of legislatures. To make this of material value the prisoner's labor must be productive. The distribution of the product of the prisoner's labor inevitably presents the problem of competition, and the unfair competition between prison-made goods and those made by free labor has overshadowed the fundamental evil inherent in penal servitude and has caused confusion in the thought underlying prison-labor regulation by legislative


The usual penological analysis of prison labor into lease,1 contract, peace-price, public account, and State-use systems is impossible to use in an economic analysis of the labor conditions involved.2 Economically,

two systems of convict-production and two systems of distribution of convict-made goods exist; production is either by the State or under individual enterprise; distribution is either limited to the preferred State-use market or through the general competitive market. The convict-labor legislation of recent years shows definite tendencies toward the State's assumption of its responsibility for its own use of the prisoners on State lands, in State mines, and as operatives in State factories; while in distribution the competition of the open market, with its disastrous effect upon prices, tends to give place to the use of labor and commodities by the State itself in its manifold activities.

Improvements in the production and distribution of the products mitigate evils but in no way affect the economic injustice always inherent under a slave system. The payment of wage as a right growing out of

1 Constitution of the United States, 13th Amendment; "Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction."

2 Charles R. Henderson, Penal and Reforma tory Institutions, pp. 198-203.

production of valuable commodities is the phase of this legislation which tends to destroy the slave condition. Such legislation has made its appearance, together with the first suggestion of right of choice allowed to the convict in regard to his occupation. Statutes still waver between the conception of the wage as a privilege, common to England and Germany, and the wage as a right as it exists in France. The development of the idea of the right of wage, fused as it is with movement toward the governmental work and workshops, can not fail to stand out in significance when viewed from the standpoint of the labor movement.


The economic progress in prison labor shown in recent legislation is toward more efficient production by the elimination of the profits of the lessee; more economical distribution of the products by the substitution of a preferred market, where the profits of the middlemen are eliminated, in place of unfair competition with the products of free labor in the open market; and, finally, toward the curtailment of the slave system by the provision for wages and choice of occupation for the man in penal servitude.

Organized labor since the early days of the labor movement in this country has bitterly opposed the exploitation of the convict. The charge has been unjustly made that labor opposed all employment for the convict. This has been refuted by John Mitchell and also by Samuel Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor, who said: "If there is anything that we can do to help in the wise, economic, just, and humanitarian solution of the prison-labor question, I feel satisfied that we will do our share in helping to accomplish it."

To-day we are in transition; each community has its own problem of prison management to work out, its local graft to exterminate. It is for the best citizenship of these communities to stand firmly behind the constructive, sane endeavors of all highminded leaders, of whatever faction, who are endeavoring to bring about the better day.

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July 13-The New Prison System

The characteristic of the so-called "honor system" is the absence of armed guards. At the beginning a makeshift, a matter of economy, it has become an essential. The honor system is advantageous in two ways. It lessens cost, because the guarding expense is decreased and the output of the men increased; it develops manhood, because the men are happier and more responsive, a state making true reform possible. A certain measure of faith in the prisoners has always been shown toward "trusties,” but the present features of the honor system far outdo anything of a similar character tried heretofore. Success depends upon two factors, viz., the personality and attitude of the warden of the penitentiary, with his subordinates, and the discreet choice of the prisoners for the work.

The procedure is usually as follows: The honor system being known and the prisoner having exprest his willingness to try it (acceptance should be voluntary), the warden gives him a heart-to-heart talk on manhood, expresses his faith in him, and tells him he is about to get a chance to make good. The man promises that he will faithfully comply with all the rules of the prison, that he will not attempt to escape, and that he will do his utmost to prevent other prisoners from escaping. Such is the welldeserved popularity of the honor system in connection with the road camps among the convicts themselves that a prisoner's friends and relatives often guarantee his good behavior, and promise if possible to prevent his escape.'

The strength of the new system lies in developing men for freedom by placing them in a position of mutual responsibility where they can prepare for liberty.

The Mutual Welfare League, which is the basis of the new system, is an organization among the prisoners through which they assume responsibility for much of the discipline of the prison.

Thomas Mott Osborne, during his week of voluntary imprisonment in Auburn Prison, talked with many prisoners as to what should form the basis of prison reform. Invariably

Sydney Wilmot, "Use of Convict Labor in the North," in Proceedings of the Academy of Polit ical Science, January, 1914.

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