when there shall exist no other means of relieving the wants of a population, deprived of labour, that considerable funds should be appropriated for the establishment of free colonies. Even then, it will be necessary, before all things to examine if no possibility remain of maintaining working classes, reduced to misery, in the profession which they have been accustomed to exercise with those funds, which they could apply to the establishment of colonies. And, last of all, it remains to be ascertained, whether the country and humanity in general would not be more benefited by affording to indigent families the means of passing into other countries, where they would be certain of finding employment in that line of industry which was proper for them, than to force them to abandon their peculiar avocations, and to live for a long time at the charge of their own country.'

But these observations respecting the colonies of Poor, called free, bear no assimilation to the forced colonies, which appear to be a more perfect system of colonization for the Poor, and a very effectual means of repressing mendicity and vagrancy, susceptible of being applied with success in all countries where there is land requiring cultivation.

Every country contains a more or less considerable number of strong men, deprived of lucrative occupations, owing to reasons which keep a certain kind of industry in an unprosperous state, or to personal causes, and idleness, which induce them to prefer the condition of beggary and vagrancy to that of labour. An assisting hand ought to be held out to the former, and the bad disposition of the latter should if possible be overcome. It has been attempted, for a long time, to attain this end, through the medium of depôts of mendicity, and houses of industry, in which beggars and vagabonds have been confined, and employed in some kind of occupation, that they might not remain inactive, and might defray, as much as possible, the expence of their support. These institutions, besides being very expensive in their nature, have this serious inconvenience that the produce of manufactures, furnished by the hands of beggars, maintained at the cost of the state, will enter into competition with productions furnished by workmen, who live by their labour, and effect an abatement in their valuewhich by that means must terminate in the impoverishment of these workmen. Such a principle of social economy, then, should be adopted, that the poor, supported by the state, should not exercise any kind of industrious employment, which might be prejudicial in its effects, to the interests of workmen, who depend upon it for subsistence. Such measures ought then to be taken, that beggars and vagabonds should not only be occupied, but should find an interest in completing the task which is assigned to them-and that they should be excited to industry, not by the fear of punishment, but by the certainty of advantages which would result to them from it. In a word, the poor man must not only be kept in the establishment of benevolence and repression, during the time of his detention, but he must be especially supplied with the means of subsisting by himself after he has quitted it, and is again thrown on his own resources.

All these essential conditions are embraced in the forced colonies of Ommerschans and Marks-plas. The detained of both sexes labour in the cultivation of a waste plain, which is to provide them with food, and the first materials for their clothing. Their industry must supply all their wants, but furnish no article for commerce. The expences of the foundation, and maintenance of these establishments, are appropriated for the relief of misery, for the repression of mendicity, without any pretension to ultimate remuneration; advantage, or reimbursement and lucrative speculation, is neglected in the more worthy desire to promote that laudable result.

The detained are continually occupied, not only because they are forced to be so, but because their industry alone offers them the prospect of obtaining their liberty, and of acquiring a fund, competent to put them in a condition of labouring on their own account. The industry of each person is taxed once for all. What he gains, in having done more than his weekly task, is added to the third of his regular profit, and forms for him a fund of reserve. When that fund amounts to twenty-five Dutch florins, the commune to which he belongs has the right of demanding his freedom. It is thus evident that every person detained is interested in being laborious.

This wise measure, also, comprehends the third essential condition of a good system for the repression of mendicity-it gives to the indolent or unskilful, the habit of activity, and the capacity necessary for labouring with success. It assures him, also, on his departure from the establishment, of a fund in money, with which he may commence some industrious undertaking. The sum fixed as the condition of his liberty, requires not less than two years of labour, and that time is supposed sufficient to complete his moral and industrious education.

'I cannot,' says our author, 'enter upon all the details of these establishments. It suffices to point out the proposed end, and the means which they offer to the attainment of it; but I think I should fix the attention of my readers upon the application which may be made of the system of forced colonies to a class of men, whose amelioration, in a moral point of view, zealously occupies enlightened and benevolent minds.'

What preventive, he asks, is there for men who have thus recovered their liberty, from becoming the constant enemies of society? Delivered from a place, where their immorality has only been able to make sad progress, and covered with an ineffaceable disgrace, which everywhere prepares for them deep humiliations, how are these men to be divested of a hatred for a social state, which rejects them with horror? An unhappy experience has proved that it is not alone perversity, but very often an imperious necessity, which has led them to the commission of new crimes. In recovering liberty, they have, for the most part, no means of procuring themselves bread; those even who have learnt a useful business, are unable to follow it, and cannot find persons, who will consent to give them employment. In such a case, they think themselves reduced to the frightful necessity of committing a criminal action, for the purpose of finding in the confines of a prison an asylum against misery.

The means of obviating the serious inconveniences which such a state of things presents, would be, our author thinks, to send the forçats to such an establishment, the principles of which have just been explained. For some time, they would thus be withdrawn from the eye of a public, often too severe. The poor in the colonies, although they submit to a system of seclusion, form, in effect, only a union of unfortunate, but not criminal men. The liberated forçat, who has been admitted into the colony, would then lose the character of culpability, with which he was tainted on leaving the prison-he would enter again into the class of those who entertain only the feelings of compassion. After having passed some years in the establishment, he would quit it, more confirmed in the principles of morality, enriched with a new aptitude for labour, and possessed of a small fund, which would permit him even to follow again a career of industry. He invites all the friends of humanity to take into consideration this idea which occurred to him in visiting the colonies of Poor of the Low Countries. Perhaps, he says, they will imagine, as he did, that the forced colonies may be brought with success into a Penitentiary system, and that their number cannot be too much multiplied.

At all events, this institution should be regarded as the most effectual and economical measure of succouring the necessities of the pocr, and of repressing mendicity. Perhaps it will become one day a means of perpetuating the free colonies. Perhaps a system of colonization of the poor may be adopted, organised in such a manner that mendicants, vagabonds, and liberated forçats, who have passed several years in the forced colonies, may be then admitted in the free colonies. Their sojourn in the former might be prolonged, until they had acquired a larger capital-a portion of land in the free colonies might be assigned, corresponding with their meanscertain obligations towards society might be imposed upon them, as for example, the payment of a perpetual rent for the farm which would be given up to them.

Such appears to us to be an impartial view of these remarkable establishments, of which, however, it might be rash to express any very decided opinion, either for or against, till they have been more extensively tried, and their various effects, advantageous or disadvantageous, confirmed by experience.

ART. IV. The Ellis Correspondence. Letters written during the Years 1686, 1687, 1688, and addressed to John Ellis, Esq. comprising many particulars of the Revolution, &c. &c. By the Hon. George A. Ellis. 2 vols. London: Colburn. 1829.

THE auxiliaries of history are many and important; but there are none, perhaps, of more consequence to the writer, than the remaining correspondence of eminent persons cotemporary with the events recorded. Every age has certain peculiarities; every series of occurrences, causes proper to themselves, and it is probable that in many instances, no mere labour or skill of the historian could determine them correctly. Something is always found in a chain of reasoning of which some of the links must be formed of speculation, and to this the examinations of the historian are peculiarly liable. But where many facts, observed at a distance, may not be sufficient to determine precisely the character of the times, or act as an explanation of another series of events, certain information derived from persons living in the age, will furnish a sure and competent guide. Hence the value of old original letters, and even of a novel or play written to describe the manners of the age in which they were published.

We have not till within these last few years been so attentive to the collateral branches of historical study as we ought. It has been with this as with other portions of general science-much labour has been bestowed on inquiry; but the results have not been obviously applied to the great purposes of knowledge. To employ one's-self day after day in picking up shells on the sea shore, is a very idle manner of spending time; but it becomes no longer so when we form the information we gather into a science, and make that science, which is perhaps mean in itself, bear upon subjects of greater importance. In the same manner the long patient toil of the antiquary is undeserving of the praise of dignity or usefulness, so long as it only serves to satisfy a particular curiosity, or answer some nice and puzzling question; but when it makes discoveries that throw light upon the dark parts of the world's history, when it serves to convert conjecture or theory into knowledge, then it merits the praise and recompense of which those who employ it think themselves deserving. But so far as the study of antiquity, properly so called, is concerned, we have no reason to complain. The principal failure has been in the neglect of those aids which may properly serve to enlighten that part of history which describes the floating and varying opinions of different periods. That which coins and medals are, as illustrative of the facts or events of a certain age, cotemporary letters are of its moral or political character. No labour, therefore, ought to be spared in collecting whatever documents of this kind may be remaining, nor ought the philosophical inquirer to lose any time in endeavouring to see whether they may not be made to contribute some new and important information respecting the time in which they were written. There is little doubt but that if each newly published collection were diligently compared with the established histories, considerable clearness would be given to many obscure passages, and that the indistinct ideas which we now form of certain circumstances, or the character of particular men, would become distinct and intelligible. But unfortunately for the true advancement of learning, this close working up of the materials of knowledge is not thought of. The history and its illustrations are suffered to remain apart, and the general reader is content to lose the rich fruit of a little careful examination, and wait till some new historian think proper to weave the discoveries which have been made into his narrative. It is of course to the latter that the publication of a correspondence must principally seem of value, for it saves him the pain of much research, as well as clears up many uncertainties of opinion. But we would call general readers to attend with more interest than is usual to such aids. They materially assist in rendering history of solid practical use, which it can hardly be said to be of as it is ordinarily read; and they shew the detail in better connection with those whom the events concerned, making a living and acting drama of what was before only a languid description.

Owing to the labours of Mr. Ellis of the British Museum, and a few other diligent explorers, opportunities have been afforded the historical reader, of which with a little attention he may make important use. The collection which is at present before us, is not of inferior importance to any similar one which has been published. It refers to times in the account of which the very spirit of our history is concentrated-times to which we look back from the present day with a sentiment similar to that which we feel in calling to mind the great and ruling events which have given a colour to our own individual destinies. To hear the men who lived in such times speaking of the circumstances on which the fate of the nation depended, in the every day language of friendship,-to have brought before us all the little circumstances which make the reality of life different from its picture-to know with what feelings the occurrences were witnessed which have since had such influence over a whole people, before their result was certainly known to be able thus to go back into the past, or which is perhaps more correct, to bring the past up again to ourselves, is a fine exercise for the mind, and furnishes it with the truest key to the right understanding of history. Of the period to which we are now alluding, there are great and especial resources of illustration; the high men of the age were of a busy and active spirit, and the events about which they were occupied were all calculated to keep them in constant activity. Intercourse had thus a life and spirit given to