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of the religion of the Cross flow through a thousand peaceful streams, through Muscovy and Siberia, to the distant shores of Kamtschatka, and then descend, from the regions of the North, upon the weak, ignorant, and vicious nations of China, Thibet, Tartary, Persia, Arabia, and Turkey. Behold here a career of glory worthy the greatest potentate of the earth! Thus, in the estimation of the wise and good, will your brows be encircled with a wreath of immortal honour, compared with which

"The laurels that a Cæsar reaps are weeds."

To the Emperor of Austria, language somewhat like the following might be employed:

"Remember, Sire, that those who are threatened with the sabres of your armies, profess the same religion as your own. Without considering, politically, the ground upon which the invasion of Naples is contemplated, we implore you to pause, and to inquire if Christianity will justify the measure. Be assured, Sire, that the principles and spirit of our Holy Religion require us to love our neighbour as ourselves-it enjoins us to do good (and not evil) unto all men; and it will be an awful law of future condemnation against all who call themselves by the holy name of Christ, and yet act in direct opposition to his precepts and example.

We respectfully, but solemnly, warn you, Sire! not to unsheath the sword of War and devastation against your fellow-men. Order back your menacing legions. Banish all thoughts of Warfare. Let your words be the words of Peace. Then shall the fair regions of Italy bless you. Then will your people love and revere you, and your grey and venerable locks will descend to the grave in tranquillity and joy."

But we ought not to omit an application to the Government of Great Britain, whose influence on the Continent is so extensive and powerful.

Its interference would not be employed in vain.

If, notwithstanding, after every sinew has been strained, and every energy called into exercise, the ardent wishes of Christian love and peace are not gratified, let us console ourselves with the assurances that we have performed a most grateful duty; that we have proved ourselves to be active and consistent friends of Peace at the moment of necessity; and that such a display of the lovely spirit of Christianity will not be without its influence upon the nations of Europe.

To the Editor of the Herald of Peace.

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Christianity, by rendering motives subject to them, supply rules of action in every variety of situation. The government introduced at the Christian era affected states and kingdoms only through its general adoption by the individuals which composed them; for to the regulation of the human bosom only was it expressly directed. There was enjoined the forgiveness of injuries, the patient endurance of wrong, the doing good for evil: there, in fact, was commanded peace. Would not, then, the followers of Christ, who seek to promote peace on earth, find one effectual means of doing so, by labouring to secure, in those whom they influence, that bosom peace which effectually ensures it abroad? Let them, whilst they forbid the instruments of war, enjoin restraint on the impulse which nerves the hand to use them.

Often, in political events, and certainly in recent ones, there have been circumstances which call to life and action the spirit of war. It guides the pen, is heard in the voice, and is visible on the features. Even many who confess the absurdity of War, do not, at such a period as the present, exclude from their bosoms all its elements. The passions may only shew their activity on paper, or in words; but Christianity has forbidden that activity, while she has not condemned any particular weapons.

In modern political cases it will be said, "It is a love of justice, a generous attachment to liberty, and a pure desire to render restitution to the injured," that are so busy and so clamorous. But does the love of justice, does gentle compassion, does genuine patriotism, produce tumultuous discord? Do they fire the eye with resentment, or infuse bitterness into the words? These are the common expressions of indignation and wrath; let them not be supposed to indicate those dispositions of goodwill to mankind which flow but in channels of love. The New Testament is replete with instruction for


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such an hour as this. Its volume was written, its laws were framed, in a land of tyranny, under a government so darkly despotic, that a comparison of such with our own would surely convert the murmurs of discontent into the accents of exultation and gratitude: yet perfect liberty was even then found in Christianity. At first, it is true, it conferred peace on the little world of the human heart alone, but it promised that, once generally established there, "nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more." TRANQUILLA.

Effects of War upon Science. (Letters from Palestine and Egypt, by T. R. J. 1820.)

THE celebrated (Alexandrian) library, of which not a vestige now remains, was a part of the imperial palace;-a building so spacious as to occupy, with its various dependencies, nearly one third of the city. A considerable portion of this sumptuous edifice was consecrated to Science and the Muses, and distinguished by. the name of Museum. To this establishment, which partook of the nature of a university, men the most renowned for learning were invited from all quarters; here they found a splendid asylum, were received with marked attention, and maintained at the public cost. The institution is ascribed to Ptolemy Philadelphus; but the idea appears to have originated with his father, Ptolemy Soter, who evinced on all occasions a disposition to patronize genius, and encourage the liberal arts. With this view he began a collection of books, which was afterwards so enlarged as to be universally considered the finest in the world. Ptolemy Philadelphus left a hundred thousand volumes; succeeding princes continued to add to the number, till at last the amount reached seven hundred thousand. The zeal of Ptolemy Evergetes appears, in some instances, to have

overstepped the strict boundaries of justice this monarch had a very strong predilection for original works, which under the pretext of borrowing for the sake of making duplicates, he sometimes forgot to return. This happened with regard to the writings of Sophocles, Euripides, and Eschylus: he retained the originals, but sent back to the Athenians the most beautiful transcript that his professors could furnish, and accompanied it with a present of fifteen talents, a sum equivalent to three thousand pounds of our money.

The first library was in that quarter of the city called Bruchion, adjoining the palace; when the collection increased to the number of four hundred thousand volumes, it became necessary to construct another receptacle; and a new building, annexed to the Serapeum, was erected expressly for such purpose. Here three hundred thousand books were deposited, making the total amount seven hundred thousand. During the period of Cæsar's invasion, the library in Bruchion was unfortunately burned, and the whole of that magnificent collection reduced to ashes: the Serapeum, however, escaped without injury, and was afterwards very considerably augmented by Cleopatra, who chose it as a depositary for the two hundred thousand volumes presented to her by Anthony. These were so enlarged by subsequent additions, that it eventually surpassed the former aggregate, and continued unimpaired amid the fluctuating fortunes of Rome, till in the seventh century of our æra it was designedly burned by the Saracens,* when they gained possession of the town. Amrou, general of Omar, wrote to his master for instructions respecting the disposal of this invaluable treasure: "Commit the volumes to the flames," was the reply of that orthodox Caliph-" If they contain only the sublime truths of the Koran, they are useless; if they

*Anno Domine 642.

inculcate aught beside, they are dangerous."

Amrou implicitly obeyed the mandate of his sovereign, and in a short time demolished the collective wisdom of ages. The lamp of Science being thus extinguished, and the reservoir which supplied it destroyed, a night of ignorance and darkness has ever since overspread that land, which was once the light and fountain of learning.

From Mr. Clarkson's Portraiture of Quakerism.

(Continued from p. 22.)



It is now an old maxim, and time, with all its improvements, has not worn it away, that wars are necessary in the present constitution of the world. It has not even been obliterated, that they are necessary in order to sweep off mankind, on account of the narrow boundaries of the earth. But they who make use of this argument must be aware that, in espousing it, they declare no less than that God, in the formation of his system, had only half calculated or half vided for its continuance, and that they charge him with a worse cruelty than is recorded of the worst of men; because, if he told men to increase and multiply, and gave them passions accordingly, it would appear as if he had created them only to enjoy an eternal feast in sight of their destruction: nor do they make him a moral governor of the world, if he allows men to butcher one another without an individual provocation or offence.

Neither do persons arguing for the necessity of wars do less than set themselves above the prophecies or oracles of God, which declare that such warfare shall some time or other cease.

Neither do they, when they consider wars as necessary, and as never to be done away, on account of the wicked passions of men, do less than

speak blasphemy against the Gospel of Jesus Christ; because they proclaim it to be inadequate to the end proposed.

For the proper subjugation of these, among other purposes, it was, that the Gospel was promulgated. If it be thought a miracle that the passions of men should be subdued, it is still a miracle which Christianity professes to work-which it has worked since the hour of its institution-which it has worked in men who have placed their highest reputation in martial glory-and which it continues to work at the present day.

Those, therefore, who promote wars, and excite the passions of men for this purpose, attempt to undo what is the object of Christianity to do, and to stop the benign influence of the Gospel in the hearts of men.

That wars are necessary, or rather that they will be begun and continued, I do not mean to deny, while statesmen pursue the wisdom or policy of the world.

What this wisdom or policy is, it will not be difficult to trace. And, first, when any matter is in dispute among the rulers of nations, is it not a maxim that a high tone is desirable in the settlement of it, in order that the parties may seem to betray neither fear nor weakness, and that they may not be thought to lose any of their dignity or spirit? Now, as the human passions are constituted, except they have been previously brought under due regulation by Christianity, what is more likely than that a high tone of language on one side should beget a similar tone on the other; or that spirit once manifested should produce spirit in return; and that each should fly off as it were at a greater distance from accommodation than before, and that when once exasperation has begun, it should increase? Now what is the chance, if such policy be resorted to on such occasions, of the preservation of peace between them?

And, secondly, is it not also a received maxim, that in controversies of

this sort, a nation, even during the discussion, should arm itself, in order that it may shew itself prepared? But if any one nation arms during the discussion, if it fits out armies or fleets of observation, with a view of deterring or of being ready, in case of necessity, of striking, as it is called, the first blow, what is more probable than that the other will arm also, and that it will fit out its own armies and fleets likewise? But when both are thus armed, pride and spirit will scarcely suffer them to relax and what is then more probable than that they will begin to fight!

And, thirdly, is it not a maxim, also, that even during the attempt to terminate the dispute, the public mind should be prepared? Are not the public papers let loose, to excite and propagate a flame? Are not the deeds of our ancestors ushered into our ears, to produce a martial spirit? But if the national temper be roused on both sides, and if preparations are carrying on at the same time with the utmost vigour, where, again, is the hope of the prevention of war between them?

And, fourthly, after hostilities have commenced, is it not a maxim also to perpetuate the enmity which has been thus begun, to give it a deeper root, and even to make it perpetual by connecting it with religion? Thus flag-staves are exhibited upon steeples, bells are rung to announce victories, and sermons are preached as occasions arise; as if the places allotted for Christian worship were the most proper from whence to issue the news of human suffering, or to excite the passions of men for the destruction of one another. Nor is this all. The very colours of the armies are consecrated. I do not mean to say that, like the banners in the prætorian tents, they are actually worshipped, but that an attempt is made to render them holy in the eyes of those who are present an attempt is made, wonderful to relate, to incorporate war into the religion of Jesus Christ, and

to perpetuate enmity on the foundation of his Gospel.

Now this is the policy of the world; and can it be seriously imagined that such a system as this can ever lead to peace? For while discussions relative to matters of national dispute are carried on in a high tone, because a more humble tone would betray weakness or fear; while, again, during the discussion, preparations for war are going on, because the appearance of being prepared would give the idea of determined resolution, and of more than ordinary strength; while, again, during the same discussion, the national spirit is awakened and inflamed; and while, again, when hostilities have commenced, measures are resorted to to perpetuate a national enmity, so that the parties consider themselves as natural enemies even in the succeeding peace-what hope is there of the extermination of war on earth?

But now let us look at the opposite policy, which is that of the Gospel. Now this policy would consist in the practice of meekness, moderation, love, patience, and forbearance, with a strict regard to justice, so that no advantages might be taken on either side. But if these principles, all of which are preventive of irritation, were to be displayed in our negociations abroad, in case of any matter in dispute, would they not annihilate the necessity of wars? For what is the natural tendency of such principles? What is their tendency, for instance, in private life? And who are the negotiators on these occasions, but men? Which kind of conduct is most likely to disarm an opponent, that of him who holds up his arm to strike if his opponent should not comply with his terms, or of him who argues justly, who manifests a temper of love and forbearance, and who professes that he will rather suffer than resist, and that he will do every thing sooner than that the affair shall not be amicably settled? The Apostle Paul, who knew well the human heart, says, "If thine

enemy hunger, feed him; for in so doing thou shalt heap coals of fire on his head;" that is, thou shalt cause him, by thy amiable conduct, to experience burning feelings within himself, which, while they torment him with the wickedness of his own conduct, shall make him esteem thee, and bring him to thy side: thus thou shalt overcome his evil by thy good; or, in other words, as fire melts the hardest metals, so thy kindness shall melt his anger. Thus Parnell :

"So artists melt the sullen ore of lead,

By heaping coals of fire upon its head:

Touch'd by the warmth, the metal learns to glow,

And, pure from dross, the silver runs below."

This policy, again, would consist of the practical duty of attempting to tranquillize the minds of the people while the discussion was going on; of exhorting them to wait the event with composure; of declaring against the folly and wickedness of wars, as if peace only could be the result; of abstaining from all hostile preparations, and indeed from all appearance of violence. Now what influence would such a conduct have, again, but particularly when known to the opposite party! If the opposite party were to see those alluded to keeping down the passions of their people, would they inflame the passions of their own? If they were to be convinced that these were making no preparations for war, would they put themselves to the expense of arming? Can we see any other termination of such a contest, than the continuance of peace?

That the policy of the Gospel, if acted upon by statesmen, would render wars unnecessary, we may infer from supposed cases. And, first, I would ask this simple question, Whether, if all the world were Quakers, there would be any more wars? I am sure the reply would be, No. But why not? Because, nations consisting of such individuals, it would be replied, would discuss matters in dispute between them with moderation, with temper, and with forbearance. They

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