science best approves, feel it to be his duty to avoid and discourage what. ever tends, by the remotest possibility, to injure the Established Church; for whatever has such a tendency, not only exposes the state to be torn by religious dissentions, but also endangers the vital interests of morality itself. And surely this caution is particularly due in a country professing such a Church as that which is here established; a Church which not only breathes the genuine spirit of toleration, but also inculcates the purest system of Christian morality. The members of such a Church should remember, that a still stronger obligation, if possible, is imposed upon them, than on any other description of persons, to lead strictly virtuous lives; for they cannot be guilty of any immoral practices, without both disgracing and endangering the communion to which they belong; and from which those who are out of its pale are too often disposed to withdraw that respect which is undoubtedly its due, on account of the unworthiness of any of its members.'

The excellence of this advice. no Christian will call in question. Mr. Bowles next adverts to the particular instances of vicious and irreligious practices which mark the present age. His observations on the frequent breaches of the Sabbath, and on the inadequacy of the existing laws to restrain or to punish them, are particularly striking and just. The joke of a Parliamentary buffoon is, to the shame of the Senate be it spoken, sufficient to deter the Parliament from supplying proper remedies for these notorious defects. The profligate age of our Second Charles paid such a tribute to religion, at least, as to provide means for punishing those who disobeyed the precept of the Lord to keep the Sabbath day holy; but the present age, still more profligate, in spite of the example offered from the Throne, regard such disobedience with indifference, and suffer the wisdom of Legislation to be baffled by a jest; thus holding out every encouragement to that vice which it is its bounden duty to suppress. Puritanism we abhor as much as any men can do, and the sour asperity of fanaticism shall ever meet with correction from us. But it is not fanatical to say, with Mr. (now Lord) Erskine, that "the religious and moral sense of Great Britain is the sheet-anchor which alone can hold the vessel of the state, amidst the storms which agitate the world." And, if this be a truth, and who will dare to deny it? is it not the bounden duty of the Legislature, to adopt proper means for the preservation of that religious and moral sense! And how can it be preserved, if respect for the Sabbath be not enforced by law? The statute of Charles inflicts only a penalty of 55. for a breach of the Sabbath; but, if the comparative value and effect of money be considered, the penalty ought now to be, at least, 37.; and for the second, and each subsequent, offence, it ought to be increased. As it is, many tradesmen, if detected, pay the penalty, laugh at the law, and persist in the violation of it. Either the law was wrong in the first instance, and ought to be repealed; or it was right, and ought to be enforced. In either case, the Legislature are to blame. But independently of the inefficacy of the law itself, the laxity with which it is enforced is, of itself, sufficient to render it nugatory. Breaches of the Sabbath increase in frequency and grossness; the magistracy, for the most part, remain inert and passive; and, sometimes, render the law subservient to that discretion which, by their oath, they are fortunately forbidden to exercise. Mr. Bowles recom mends the formation of societies, in every parish, for aiding the magis

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tracy in carrying the laws into effect. Societies of this kind, for the suppression of immorality and vice, were formed in an early part of the last century, during the reign of KING WILLIAM, and, under the royal patronage, which were productive of the most beneficial effects; and when we consider that the Magistrates, however vigilant and active they may be, have not the means within themselves of detecting the numerous offenders of this description with which the country, and in particular the metropolis, swarm; surely it would be wise and proper to follow such an example, to which the Whig-admirers of that monarch would, of course, give the warmest support. We have, indeed, heard it contended by some, who mistake assurance for knowledge, and pertness for wit, that the members of such societies are guilty of the offence of maintenance.— Swindlers and thieves will, of course, feel very much indebted to such sages for this notable discovery; and will, no doubt, order forthwith indictments to be preferred against the Association of Tradesmen in London for the Prosecution and Punishment of Swindlers and Cheats; and against the remaining parochial associations in different parts of the kingdom, for the prosecution and punishment of thieves. Certainly if the one be guilty of maintenance, the others are.. It happens, however, unfortunately, that the late Chief Justice of the King's Bench was a member of a Society for the Suppression of Vice, and could not discover its illegality; and the present Chief Justice has, ex cathedra, declared the legality of such societies.

We sincerely wish that the able efforts of this zealous advocate for religion and morality, may be attended with the desired effect. But, we confess, that to us there appears such a marked indifference, such a total apathy, in respect of all religious and moral concerns, in a vast majority even of good and imoral men, that we almost despair of their success.Still it is the duty of every one to stem the torrent, and the consciousness of having discharged that duty will be a sufficient reward.

A State of the Allegations and Evidence produced, and Opinions of Merchants and other Persons given, to the Committee of Council; extracted from their Report of the 31st of May, 1784, on His Majesty's Order of Reference of the 8th of March last, made upon the Representation of the West India Planters and Merchants, purporting to show the Distressed State of His Majesty's Sugar Colonies, by the Operation of His Majesty's Order in Council of the 2d of July, 1783; and the Necessity of allowing a free Intercourse between the Sugar Colonies and the United States of America, in American Bottoms. 8vo. PP. 186. Printed in the Year 1784, and Re-printed by Order of the Society of Ship-Owners of Great Britain. 1806.

IF ever there were a Bill before Parliament that required the ma. turest deliberation, and the fullest discussion, it is that which is now under consideration, for allowing direct intercourse between our Colonies and the United States of America. It involves interests of immense importance to this country; it affects most sensibly that grand source of our maritime greatness, the navigation laws; and to that most valuable body of men, the Ship-Owners, who are, on all accounts, entitled to every degree of encouragement which the legislature can give them, it is of the

utmost

utmost consequence. What can possibly have given rise to that unwise and most mistaken system of policy, which has led us to court America by boons and concessions, detrimental to our own interests, we are totally at a loss to conceive. After having rebelled against us, she has treated us with the basest ingratitude, and with the most scandalous dishonesty; and yet our Ministers still continue to soothe and to flatter her, and that even while she displays the most hostile temper, and the most aggressive spirit towards us. It is proper, we know, for individual Christians to return good for evil; but, in the policy of commercial states, we believe, no such maxim is admitted. We cannot set this matter in a stronger point of view than was done by the Committee of the Privy Council, whose Report, in the beginning of the year 1791, is given in the pamphlet before us. The last pages of this Report we shall extract, as highly deserving the most serious attention of Parliament, and indeed of every man who considers our navigation laws, and our maritime greatness, as worthy of preservation.

"After full consideration of all that has been offered on the subject of navigation, the Committee think that there is but one proposition which it will be advisable for the Ministers of Great Britain to make on this head to the Government of the United States, in any negotiation for a commercial treaty between the two countries, viz. That British ships, trading to the ports of the United States, shall be there treated, with respect to the duties of tonnage and import, in like manner as ships of the United States shall be treated in the ports of Great Britain.

"If this principle of equality is admitted by the Government of the United States, as the basis of negotiation, it will be proper then to consider, whether ships of the United States, trading to the ports of Great Britain, should not be made subject to the aliens duty, as well as other foreign ships; and in return that Congress should impose on British ships, trading to their ports, some distinction, equivalent to the amount of the aliens duty; or whether every distinction of this nature should not be abolished on both sides. The Committee have offered already some reasons, which induce them to think that the first of these alternatives should be adopted.

"If Congress should propose to apply the rule of abolishing all distinctions to Trinity dues, light-house duties and pilotage, such a proposition cannot be complied with. These several sorts of charges are of ancient establishment, and are the property of private persons, or of corporate bodies; and the funds arising from them are, in many instances, applicable to public works, or charitable purposes. An attempt to equa dize them would affect the interests of many of the ports of this kingdom, and alter their relative situations; in consideration of the distinc tion which time and accident have made in all these respects, docks, magazines, and other buildings, have been erected in several ports of the kingdom at the charge of individuals: any change of this nature would have the effect of increasing the great advantages which the capital of Great Britain already enjoys in carrying on its commerce, over many of the other ports of the kingdom; and lastly, if this favour was granted to the ships of the United States, other nations would be induced to claim the like equality, which it is impossible to grant, consistently with the interests of this country. "If

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"If Congress should propose (as they certainly will) that this principle of equality should be extended to the ports of our Colonies and Islands, and that the ships of the United States should be there treated as British ships, it should be answered, that this demand cannot be admitted, even as a subject of negotiation. By the public law of Europe, every nation has a right to regulate the commerce which it carries on with its own Colonies, in the manner that shall appear to be the most conducive to the interest of the mother country; in regulations of this sort, no foreign government has any right to interfere; this branch of freight is of the same nature with the freight from one American State to another; Congress has made regulations to confine the freight, employed between different states, to the ships of the United States, and Great Britain does not object to this restriction. The United States at present enjoy all the rights and privileges of an independent nation; and, as such, they now have no pretence to claim the privileges which they once enjoyed as British Colonies.

"If, in the course of this negotiation, it should be proposed to treat on maritime regulations, the Committee are of opinion, that the Govern ment of Great Britain may consent to insert, in a commercial treaty with the United States, all the articles of maritime law which have of late been inserted in our commercial treaties with other foreign powers; except that any article allowing the ships of the United States to protect the property of the enemies of Great Britain in time of war, should on no account be admitted; it would be more dangerous to concede this privilege to the ships of the United States, than to those of any other foreign country: from their situation the ships of these States would be able to cover the whole trade of France and Spain, with their Islands and Colonies in America and the West Indies, whenever Great Britain shall be engaged in a war with either of those Powers; and the Navy of Great Britain would, in such case, be deprived of the means of distressing the enemy, by destroying his commerce, and thereby diminishing his resources.

"The Lords of the Committee agree in opinion with the merchants of London, Bristol and Glasgow, that before any measure of an adverse nature is adopted, it is proper that attempts should be made by negotia. tion to induce the Congress of the United States to consent to some fair and equitable plan of accommodation, and to a liberal system of commerce and navigation, founded on reciprocal advantages. It has been shewn, in a former part of this Report, that, from the time that peace was concluded, and that the United States were acknowledged by treaty to be independent, the Government of this Country have never taken any hostile step to mark their resentment on account of the many oppressive, and even unjust laws, to which the merchants of Great Britain were made subject by the Legislatures of the several States, previous to the forma. tion of the present fæderal Government. After an angry contest of seven years continuance, it was not to be supposed that all resentment would at once be extinguished in the minds of the people of the United States: in such a state of things, forbearance, on the part of Great Britain, in every thing not essential, was a prudent as well as dignified line of conduct; there was reason to hope that the spirit which had produced many of the before-mentioned acts of commercial hostility, would in time subside, and that ancient habits, and the recollection of former connec. tions, might bring back the people of these States to a more favourable disposition

disposition to Great Britain; circumstances might also occur which would tend to detach them from their new connections, and make the people of the two countries, though no longer fellow-subjects, friends at least, as they were before the war; the Government of Great Britain has not been wholly mistaken in its expectations; the new system adopted by the Congress, is certainly much more favourable to the navigation and commerce of this country, than that which subsisted under the laws of parti cular states; and there can be no doubt, from the proceedings of Con. gress already stated, and from all that passed in their debates during the two last sessions, particularly in the American Senate, that a party is already forined in favour of a connection with Great Britain, which, by moderation on our part, may perhaps be strengthened and increased, so as to bring about, in a friendly way, all the objects we have in view. It would indeed be extraordinary if, after having submitted for the last seven years to a situation more disadvantageous than the present, the Government of Great Britain should at once proceed to acts of retaliaation, or commercial hostility, just at the time that the powers, who now govern the United States, appear to be more favourably disposed to this country. On the other hand, it would be imprudent to place, as yet, too much confidence in the supposed intentions of the new Government, till we have learned from experience whether Congress is likely to persist in the principles it has hitherto adopted, and will have influence or power sufficient to carry the laws, founded on these principles, into execution, through all the different states.

"For these reasons the Committee are inclined to think, that it may be advisable for your Majesty to consent to open a negotiation with the United States, for the purpose of making a commercial treaty, especially as Congress appears inclined to this measure; but it will be right, in an early stage of this negotiation, explicitly to declare, that Great Britain can never submit, even to treat on what appears to be the favourite obje& of the people of these States, that is, the admission of the ships of the United States into the Ports of your Majesty's Colonies and Islands: it may be proper also to make them understand, that Great Britain has measures in view sufficient for the protection and support of its own commerce and navigation, in case Congress should proceed to make further distinctions to the detriment of these important objects, and should refuse to consent to a fair and equitable plan of accommodation. The proper mode of retaliation, which, in such an emergency may be pursued, has already been stated.

"There can be no doubt, that the commercial intercourse which at present subsists between Great Britain and the United States is highly beneficial to both countries; but it is equally certain, that the United States have much more to apprehend from any interruption of this intercourse, than Great Britain has to apprehend from any restriction which the Government of the United States may put upon it. It has been shewn, that the commerce of these States with the other nations of Eu. rope, has hitherto been of no great extent; and there are circumstances which make the further augmentation of it very difficult. It has been shewn also, that the merchants of Great Britain alone are inclined to run the risk, and to give the credit which are essential to the support of a commercial connection with all newly established countries. The articles

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