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acknowledgment, that he has deviated from the track of some of his predecessors, and has not copied the calumnies respecting us, which abound in books intended for general information. But the Society is indebted to him for more than negative justice: he has represented it to his readers as a benevolent Christian people. These are his words:

A philosopher may well envy the mild creed and universal charity, or fraternal love, of the Quakers; whilst he must allow, with a sigh, that a nation of Quakers could not exist, unless all nations were of the same persuasion.'

The regret expressed in the latter part of this account has touched me not a little. It seems sorrowful that it should be an established fact, that charity and fraternal love, and such as practise them, cannot subsist in the world. Alas, for the world, in that case! His eulogium on the Friends is a severe satire on its nations.

I am afraid we have yet little need to concern ourselves about the safety of a nation of Quakers. Their countrymen are too little disposed to submit to the restraints of conduct necessary to be admitted of their number; and many who enjoy, what I call, that privilege, by birthright, seem too much disposed to shake off those restraints, and to mingle gradually with the crowd of such as forget the interests of a future life, in the cares or pleasures of the present.

But it is necessary for our argument to suppose the improbable supposition of a nation of Quakers realized. Such a nation would, indeed, form a new and singular phænomenon; but I am far from sure that it would naturally contain the seeds of its own destruction; and so long as it should last, it would be a standing refutation of the conclusion of our geographer. When, however, I speak of a nation of Quakers, I do not simply mean a nation which has laid aside the use of arms, and at the same time is indulging itself in luxury, avarice, and

many other evils. If we are to portray a nation of Quakers, we must suppose it composed of true Quakers; for so far as in any respect the people degenerate into vice and immorality, so far they recede from true Quakerism; and then their sins, sooner or later, contribute to their overthrow. But this is not imputable to their piety, harmlessness, and charity.

I shall require [the objector] to people our ideal land with men stedfastly fearing and loving God, and believing in Christ and the Christian dispensation, as revealed in the New Testament; and studious to approve themselves to their Master, by conformity to His laws. Of the more distinguishing tenet of our Society, the immediate teachings of His Light in the conscience, I need not here enlarge. It is enough for my argument that they are, generally speaking, seeking to know, and diligent to do, the will of Christ.

Before I proceed, I must assume the reason for supposing that a nation like that I have described, must be a prey to its neighbours. Pinkerton has not himself announced it; but I think it can be no other than the disuse of arms. It is no less lamentable than true, that among mankind in general, at least among those who conduct governments, there is a propensity to war. They seem to think their character scarcely complete, unless it have a portion of the military one, and glory in opportunities of displaying it in the field. I am apt to think, that in the attempts to settle and adjust the differences which naturally arise about worldly interests, this national spirit, as it is called, has prevented a friendly issue to numerous negociations; and has thus really occasioned many of the wars, which render the history of mankind a history of human folly and distress. Now this lofty sense of honour (as it is usually termed) has no place in a true Christian people. They reject, as Christ has taught them, the practice of receiving honour

from men; because they find, according to His doctrine, that it stands in the way of their belief in Him. For this spirit of contention, they have adopted His meek and quiet spirit, by which means half the occasions of war are cut away at once. And even supposing that there was not, (which however will not, I think, be asserted) that fondness for contest which so many nations have shown, still, even upon the notion of what is sometimes called necessary war, there must be an aggressing and an aggrieved party. In the former of these characters, our lamb-like nation could never appear. It only there fore remains for us to inquire how it would act, so as to be preserved from the danger of an unjust and oppressive enemy.

It is observable in the province of nature, that such animals as are destitute of weapons of offence, are generally furnished with some appropriate means of security. Thus I apprehend it would be with our innocent citizens. Knowing the difficulty they would find in quarrels, they would take more care than is commonly taken to keep out of them. In their dealings with other nations, they would act less by the narrow scale of enriching and aggrandizing their own, than nations commonly do. They would transfuse, even into their commerce, a portion of the spirit of Christianity; and think that the way to let their light shine before men, would be full as much by doing works of justice, as by talking about doctrine. And I think it is not overrating the value of such a conduct to suppose that if they could by such means (and as they are the means of Christ's appointment, they must be efficacious) induce their neighbours to glorify their Father who is in heaven, they would be so far from danger of harm, that they would become the delight of mankind, and probably set the anvils of other countries to work in the blessed transmutation of spears to pruning-hooks.

Thus far I have endeavoured to show only from the natural deduction of effects from causes, that a nation of genuine upright Quakers might subsist in safety; but as I am not bound to rest my opinion wholly on such arguments, I will proceed to another, which cannot be rejected, when we are speaking of religious matters. If we grant, as we must, that our ideal people have for the spring of their action, a true living faith that it is their duty to the Almighty so to act, they will consequently have an unshaken faith in his protection. This is no more than his commands enjoin, and the example of his people in former ages warrants. So that I should not strain an expression, if I were to say, that such a nation would be sure of the protection of Providence, and satisfied with the manner and the proportion in which it should be extended."

Third Report of the Committee of Inquiry of the Massachussetts Peace Society.

[From the Friend of Peace Oct. 1820.]

Ar the meeting of the Massachusetts Peace Society in June, the Committee of Inquiry exhibited an able Report on a subject of great importance. We regret that the funds of the Society have not permitted its publication as a separate Tract for this year, as the Report is too long for insertion in the Friend of Peace. In the hope that it will hereafter be published in a more ample form, as a Tract for distribution, we shall merely state the subject, the plan, and the principal facts and results.

Question. "What have been the causes of wars; the degree in which their objects have been secured, and the state in which belligerents have been left at their termination ?"

In the Report, the inquiry is " confined to wars in which civilized nations have been engaged since they became christian," or "since Constan

tine assumed the reins of the Roman empire," omitting "a great number of petty wars in small nations of antiquity temporary insurrections, or trivial hostilities-and a multitude of wars which have been carried on betweeen christian and savage nations, such as the aborigines of Asia and America." The Report relates to "two hundred and eighty-six wars of magnitude, in which christian nations have been engaged." These are divided into the eleven following classes.

enumerated. a great number

1st. "Wars of ambition-to obtain extent of territory by conquest. We have enumerated forty-four wars of magnitude of this class-twelve in which the assailants have been Heathen or Mahometan, and Christian nations defendants; and all the others, we regret to say, have been attacks made by nations professing Christianity on others, without any decent pretence or colour of right. In seventeen instances the assailing nation has been completely victorious-in nineteen instances the assailing nation has been repulsed-and in eight the assailants have obtained partial augmentations of territory secured by peace."

2d. Predatory wars-" for plunder, or tribute, or to obtain a settlement for subsistence."- "We have enumerated twenty-two in all." "The invasions have commonly ended in repulse; but seldom without effecting some mischief."

3d. Wars of revenge or retaliation. "We enumerate twenty-four of them; of which five have been successfulfour partially successful-thirteen unsuccessful, the assailants having been repelled-and two left undetermined by circumstances, and gave rise to new wars."

4th. Wars to settle some question of honour or prerogative. Of this class "We record eight wars; in four of which the point of honour was gained-three were settled by compromise-one submitted to a council."

5th. Wars arising from disputed

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claims to some territory. Six only are enumerated. "Of these the party occupying the territory in question preserved it, in two instances in the other four, partition arrangements were made."

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6th. Wars arising from disputed titles to crowns. We have enumerated forty-one wars of this class; in eighteen instances the party claiming the throne recovered it from the party in possession-in eighteen instances the possessor of the throne maintained it, and in two of these the assailants lost their own crowns in aiming at others; and in five other instances the results were undecisive, and the parties pacified by compromise or partition."

7th." War commenced under the pretence of assisting some ally, or some friend or person flying from alleged oppression. We have found thirty of these wars; in eighteen of which the assailing or protecting party have been victorious-in six the defendants have maintained their ground or defeated the assailants; and six have terminated undecisively in what is called the statu quo-or in compromise at a general peace."

8th." Wars which have arisen from the distrust of nations towards each other-jealousy of rival greatness, or fear of increasing armaments or extended conquests. Twenty-three wars of this description have been observed within our limits. In eleven of them the allies or assailants have been successful-seven of them have been ended by compromise or treaty, generally placing the parties where they were when they began; and five have resulted in the defeat of the coalition, and the further aggrandizement of the obnoxious power.'

9th." Wars which have grown out of commerce designed for its protection against foreign depredations. We have found but five wars of this class.-Neither of them have resulted in greater security to the commerce molested; two have given victory to the encroaching power; and three have been extinguished by a general

peace, leaving the commercial injuries unatoned for."

10th." Civil wars, carried on by different parties in the same nation. We record fifty-five of this class-in twenty-one the rebelling party have overthrown those who were at the commencement in possession of power, or established a separate independence; twenty-eight have resulted in the suppression of rebellion, and the confirmation of power to the party possessing it; five have been terminated by compromise-allowing new privileges to the claimants-and one, between Spain and the revolted provinces in South America, yet undetermined."

11th. Wars on account of religion. "We have noticed twenty-eight wars of this class-seven called Crusades, by Christian powers to expel Mahometans from countries esteemed holy -five by Mahometans on Christian nations-two by Christian nations to compel their neighbours to become Christians-eleven by Popes or bigotted monarchs to reduce those they deemed heretics-and three to recover territory from the hands of infidelsIn fourteen instances the oppressing or assailing parties have been victorious-in nine the defendants maintained their religion and their territories-and in five, no decisive result, but a compromise or temporary peace terminated the conflicts.'

To collect and arrange the materials for such a Report must have required much labour. The facts and results are accompanied with many just and important remarks, which we hope

hereafter to exhibit in this work, should the Report fail of being published as a distinct Tract. We are happy in having the consent of the Committee for giving the preceding extracts.

To the Editor of the Herald of Peace. To the Editor of the Herald of Peace. SIR, There is a little volume lately published, which I have read with


very great satisfaction, and hasten to recommend, by favour of your assistance, to the particular regard of the friends of Peace. I allude to the last Report of the Society for the Improvement of Prison Ďiscipline, and for the reformation of Juvenile Offenders. It does the heart good to observe the progress of that beneficent spirit, which, like a little leaven, we trust, is going on to leaven the whole lump. I shall not pretend here to enter at all into the subject of the Society's zealous and extensive labours; these can alone be duly appreciated by a regular perusal of the whole book: but there is one little passage which I venture to offer to your notice; and if the sentiment contained in it be correct, we may congratulate ourselves in no common manner on the rapidly increasing influence of this powerful ally, on the gradual development, through different nations, of those principles which form the most efficient bond of peaceful union amongst men. I am, Sir, with great regard, yours, &c.


Houndsditch, Dec. 18, 1820.

Extract of a Letter from Walter Venning, Esq. to Samuel Hoare, jun. Esq.

St. Petersburg, Jan. 31, O. S. 1820. "I suppose you have seen the truly Christian letter of Prince Ga litzin, in reply to the Duke of Gloucester's. It is exceedingly interesting, for it breathes the warm and native spirit of Christian philanthropy. has so happily commenced between The amicable correspondence which

these exalted characters, and the close taken place between the two societies, connexion which has consequently is the consummation of one of my earliest and warmest wishes, and from such an auspicious alliance we may, I think, humbly hope that the most important and the most extensive blessings will flow. "It is, I apprehend, from the in2 H

crease, and no less from the union of such beneficent societies, that we are encouraged to hope for the universal diffusion of benevolence, and consequently the final termination of cruelty and bloodshed. The stimulus which is created by the reaction of these societies, will be incessantly urging each other forward to the accomplishment of every object that is calculated to reduce the sum of human misery."

To the Editor of the Herald of Peace. SIR,-One of the most useful, and in many parts most affecting biographical narratives I have ever read, is the "Life of William Penn," by Mr. Thos. Clarkson. As I presume it is your object, and that of your Correspondents, to render the Herald of Peace a compendium of whatever is valuable of a pacific nature, I purpose selecting from the above work all those passages which have that tendency, or which are calculated to demonstrate the excellence of Peace, accompanied with occasional observa


The greater part of your readers are perhaps aware that William Penn, the son of Admiral Sir William Penn, flourished in the reign of Chas. II. and several of his successors.

Having been appointed by two of the members of his Society to act as arbitrator relative to some lands in America, it led him eventually into the important situations of proprietor and legislator of the state in that country which bears his name. Pennsylvania was granted to him by letters patent from Charles, in lieu of 160007. which had been lent to the government by his father.

Previous to this, however, and in consequence of the sufferings to which the Society of Friends was exposed, William Penn obtained leave to be heard in their behalf, before a Committee of the House of Commons. On this occasion he justified himself from personal charges which had

been brought against him, and dwelt upon the unassuming and peaceful character of the principles which he advocated. Upon this part of the history, Mr. Clarkson observes :—

"The Quakers at that time laboured under the suspicion, in common with other Dissenters, that they were hostile to the Government, and that they might therefore watch for an opportunity of destroying it. William Penn, to do away this suspicion, laid before them the creed of the Quakers on this subject. They, when called upon by magistrates to do what their consciences disapproved, refused obedience to their orders. No threats could intimidate them. Satisfied with such refusal, they bore with fortitude the sufferings which followed, and left to their oppressors the feelings only of remorse for their conduct. By such means they performed their duty to God in a quiet and peaceable manner, that is, they made no sacrifice of their just convictions; and yet they did not disturb the harmony of society, or interrupt the progress of civil government, by rebellion. At this time, then, when the nation had been convulsed by civil wars and commotions, when the Government had been frightened by reported plots and conspiracies, and when Dissenters of all descriptions were considered only as peaceable, because the chains in which they were held prevented them from being otherwise, it particularly became the Committee to know, that they, whose petition was then before them, were persons who espoused the opinion in question. And here a wide field for observation would present itself, if I had room for stating those thoughts which occur on this subject, involving no less than the question, How far mankind, when persecuted by their respective governments for matters relating to the conscience, have gained more advantages to themselves in this respect, by open resistance, than by the Quaker's principle of a quiet and peaceable submission to the penalties which the

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